Snokhachestvo

The Father-in-Law, a 1888 painting by Vladimir Makovsky

Snokhachestvo (Russian: снохачество; Ukrainian: снохацтво; Bulgarian: снахачество) was a form of sexual relationship historically attested among several Slavic peoples[1][2], particularly among Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Bulgarians, and Serbs, in which the head of a patriarchal extended peasant household had sexual relations with his daughter-in-law (his son's wife). Such relationships most commonly arose while the son was still underage or during his prolonged absence, were associated with the organization of the traditional peasant household, and survived in some regions until the early 20th century.[3][4]

Historical accounts commonly describe a characteristic form of snokhachestvo as involving the marriage of an underage son to an older woman brought into the household as an additional worker, while the father assumed the role of her de facto husband until the son reached maturity.[1][2][5][6][7][8]

Terminology

The term snokhachestvo derives from snokha ("daughter-in-law"), which in turn goes back to the Proto-Slavic *snъxa.[9] Cognate terms are attested in several Slavic languages. Nayden Gerov's nineteenth-century Dictionary of the Bulgarian Language records the Bulgarian term snahachestvo, defining it as "when a father-in-law has illicit sexual relations with his daughter-in-law."[10] Similarly, Ivan Franko used and defined the Ukrainian term snokhatstvo in his 1895 article Сліди снохацтва в наших горах (“Traces of Snokhachestvo in Our Mountains”), describing it as the custom whereby a father-in-law maintains conjugal relations with his daughter-in-law.[2] Polish historian Adam Krawiec uses the term świekrostwo as the Polish equivalent of the Russian snokhachestvo.[11]

Hypotheses of early origins

According to legal historian and specialist in medieval law Władysław Abraham, snokhachestvo was interpreted as a remnant of some form of polyandry that existed among the Slavs before the adoption of Christianity. The exact nature of that form is unclear, as the practice may have already changed significantly by the time researchers began to observe and document it.

Historian Adam Krawiec similarly viewed the phenomenon as a form of polyandry, including fraternal polyandry among the Eastern Slavs. He suggested that snokhachestvo may have emerged or taken its final shape after Christianization, as a result of “enforced monogamization,” when the head of the household formally married a woman to his (often underage) son while continuing to live with her as his partner.

Abraham noted that a similar form of marriage existed among the pagan Prussians, where a son could inherit his father's wife: the father would use family resources to acquire a wife, and after his death, his son would marry her. He also pointed out that traces of polyandry observed among the Slavs resembled descriptions attributed to the Celtic Britons in Julius Caesar's Commentarii de Bello Gallico (1st century BCE):

“They have wives in common, especially brothers with brothers and fathers with sons.” — Gaius Julius Caesar, The Gallic War, Book V

Abraham also drew parallels with the relatively widespread practice of fraternal polyandry in the East.

Krawiec emphasized economic factors as a possible underlying cause of such arrangements, noting that the costs associated with marriage could encourage pooling of resources among male relatives. He also referred to the economic structure of the peasant household, where additional labor was often necessary for subsistence agriculture. Abraham likewise considered economic conditions a potential contributing factor, while acknowledging that multiple causes may have been involved.[1][11]

Scholar and publicist Ivan Franko, in his 1895 article Сліди снохацтва в наших горах (“Traces of Snokhachestvo in Our Mountains”), also suggested ancient roots for the custom, but associated its occurrence primarily with the structure of the patriarchal extended peasant family (sometimes referred to as the zadruga). He argued that wherever such undivided family communes existed, snokhachestvo was more likely to occur.[2]

Historical development and perceptions

Ivan Franko suggested that a passage in the Primary Chronicle, a chronicle compiled in the early 12th century, may contain a reference to snokhachestvo among the Radimichs, Vyatichi, and Severians, noting that the chronicle describes behavior “before fathers and daughters-in-law” (“предъ отьци и предъ снохами”)[12], which he interpreted as possibly indicative of such relations.[2] Natalia Pushkareva has noted that the same chronicle describes marriage practices among these tribes as involving the consent of the bride, expressed by the phrase “with her agreement” (“с нею же кто съвещашеся”).[13]

Władysław Abraham argued that after the introduction of Christianity, both the secular and ecclesiastical authorities of Rus’, opposing all forms of polygamy, also attempted—unsuccessfully—to eradicate those forms of polyandry associated with the development of snokhachestvo. As an example of such efforts, he pointed to the Church Statute of Yaroslav.[1] A. Krawiec proposed a similar interpretation of the phenomenon.[11]

As snokhachestvo was prohibited by law, references to it in archival sources are relatively rare. According to Abraham, a case described in Jan Piotrowski's Dziennik wyprawy Stefana Batorego pod Psków (“Diary of Stephen Báthory's Campaign against Pskov”) constituted an example of snokhachestvo. In this account, while staying in Polotsk, Báthory recounts a case involving people who had been brought before him “recently here, in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania”: in this family, a thirteen-year-old boy was married to a woman with whom his father lived “as with a wife” while awaiting the son’s coming of age. Báthory presented the episode as an example of local customs that he sought to eradicate.[14][1]

Abraham also argued that echoes of such relationships can be found in numerous folk tales and legends about relationships between mothers and sons in Ukraine, Belarus, and among the East Slavs.[1]

Map of the Skole region from Fryderyk Papée’s Skole i Tucholszczyzna (1891).

An indication of such practices appears in an early 17th-century instruction issued by Princess Theophila Ostrogska (widow of Prince Ostrogski), whose estates were located in the Opir River valley (in the area of present-day Skole and Tukhlia). In the instruction, she prescribed: “If it should occur, as happens there [in the mountains], that a father-in-law lives in illicit relations with his daughter-in-law, he is to be punished by death, with the matter reported to me.”[15] Ivan Franko regarded this passage as clear evidence that snokhachestvo existed at that time in the Skole Mountains (in the present-day Skole Beskids) and was apparently quite widespread, since Princess Ostrogska not only found it necessary to write a draconian decree against it but explicitly referred to the practice as something that “happens there” (i.e., in the mountains). Ivan Franko further argued that the severity of the prescribed punishment reflects the attitudes prevalent in the lowland regions from which the princess and her officials came (the princess herself having been born into the Polish Tarło family), where such practices were either unknown or regarded as a rare phenomenon, a “cultural remnant”. Franko further argued that the cruel and uncompromising persecution of snokhachestvo by Princess Ostrogska also shows that she was detached from the family structures that had led to its emergence and regarded it purely as a moral failing, the result of individual willfulness, rather than as a sociological issue—that is, one in which the individual’s will is more or less constrained by economic conditions, customs, and legal norms prevalent in their immediate environment.[2]

About 170 years later, the Austrian traveler, naturalist, and pioneer of mountaineering Belsazar Hacquet reported the existence of snokhachestvo on the opposite side of the Skole Mountains, in the Hutsul region, noting that “formerly it had been more widespread than now.”[16] Ivan Franko cited this testimony in his article and suggested that Hacquet’s reference to Pokutians in fact referred to the Hutsuls. Franko further observed that the account appeared credible and may indicate that the custom was still present in the late 18th century.[2]

Cases of snokhachestvo were not publicized and the crime remained latent, making it difficult to assess its true extent in the Russian Empire.

According to Laura Engelstein, Aleksandr Radishchev invoked snokhachestvo to illustrate what she describes as the abuse of power by men in patriarchal peasant families. In his A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow (1790), Radishchev has the peasant woman Anyuta recount that she once refused a proposed marriage to a ten-year-old boy: "A prosperous peasant household once sought my hand for a ten-year-old boy, but I refused. What could I do with a child? By the time he came of age, I would already be old... They say that the father-in-law sleeps with his daughters-in-law until his sons grow up. That is why I did not want to enter that household. I wanted someone my own age."[17][18]

Late nineteenth-century observers believed the custom was still alive, encouraged by the seasonal absence of young husbands working away from their villages, although it was increasingly condemned within peasant communities.[18] According to the Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary, this attitude was reflected in volost court practice, where snokhachestvo was generally treated as an offence, though not a particularly serious one.[19] In 1902, the jurist Vladimir Dmitrievich Nabokov (father of the novelist Vladimir Nabokov) published the article Plotskie prestupleniia po proektu Ugolovnogo ulozheniia ("Carnal Crimes under the Draft Criminal Code"), a legal commentary on the proposed Criminal Code of the Russian Empire that compared the Russian draft with contemporary French, German, English, Italian and Austrian legislation and legal scholarship. Discussing the proposed provisions on krovosmeshchenie, Nabokov argued that the Russian Empire could not simply follow those European approaches because, in his view, "nowhere, it seems, except Russia, has at least one form of krovosmeshchenie assumed the character of an almost normal social phenomenon, designated by the appropriate technical term—snokhachestvo." (Here "Russia" refers to the Russian Empire, whose draft Criminal Code Nabokov was discussing.)[20][18] Analogous practices and corresponding terminology have also been documented among other Slavic peoples, for example the Bulgarian term snahachestvo.[10][2][5] The Narodnik writer Gleb Uspensky, while deploring the plight of young peasant women, sympathized with "the emotional and physical needs of the mature peasant man."[21]

Social and economic conditions in the 18th–19th centuries

Regardless of how scholars have interpreted the historical origins of snokhachestvo, most modern scholars have emphasized the social and economic conditions associated with the practice in the 18th and 19th centuries. Historians and ethnographers nevertheless differ in their assessments of its prevalence and character. While some authors described it as a relatively widespread feature of the patriarchal peasant household, others considered it rare, concealed, or strongly condemned within rural communities. Much of the available evidence derives from ethnographic reports, court records, and informant testimony from the nineteenth century, which sometimes present conflicting accounts.

Russian Empire

The sources discussed in this subsection concern the historical Russian Empire, whose territory extended across parts of what are now Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and other countries.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, a number of social and economic factors have been identified by historians as contributing to the occurrence of such practices, including the conscription of young men and seasonal labor migration, which often left wives in the household of their husbands' families.

Historian and cultural anthropologist Natalia Pushkareva explains the phenomenon primarily through demographic and economic factors while also noting the importance of local marriage norms. She argues that among peasants in the Russian Empire, marriages were often arranged with practical considerations in mind, and significant age asymmetries were not uncommon, including unions in which the wife was several years—sometimes substantially—older than the husband.In some regions, marriages involving very young boys and older brides could serve practical economic purposes by providing an additional adult worker for the household.[8][22] In some cases, she notes, such age disparities could be considerable, with wives old enough to be their husbands' mothers. Ethnographic evidence (e.g., from Olga Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia) suggests that in some rural communities—unlike in elite and urban social milieus—such pairings were socially accepted and, in some cases, locally normative, with young men marrying women a few years older (for example, men aged 18–20 marrying women aged 20–26) without social stigma, while matches with older grooms could be viewed negatively.[8][23] Ethnographic anecdotes from the Don Cossacks similarly illustrate how local marriage norms could differ from modern expectations: one young woman reportedly rejected even high-ranking military suitors, saying that she would marry only the infant boy she was rocking once he had grown up — and, according to the account, she eventually did so.[24] These patterns were partly shaped by economic priorities—such as the preference for physically mature and productive brides or the delayed marriage of daughters—but also reflected stable local customs.[8][22] More broadly, age relations between spouses varied considerably between regions and local communities, although multiple patterns could also coexist within the same locality.[22] Pronounced age mismatches within households involving relatively young husbands and older wives could narrow generational differences between fathers-in-law and daughters-in-law. As noted in ethnographic accounts, such dynamics could contribute to the spread of snokhachestvo, though they did not automatically result in it.[8][23] Pushkareva nevertheless emphasizes that age-asymmetric marriages and local acceptance of such unions did not preclude coercive sexual relations within peasant households.[8]

Map of European Russia from William Coxe’s Travels into Poland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark (1784).

The English clergyman William Coxe, who travelled through the Russian Empire in the second half of the eighteenth century, described snokhachestvo as a practice found in some parts of the empire and regarded as contrary to Christian moral norms. Coxe reported that such unions had formerly been more widespread, but were declining due to government measures and increasing efforts by church authorities to suppress the custom.[6] Like other Christian churches recognizing prohibitions based on affinity, the Russian Orthodox Church regarded snokhachestvo as a form of krovosmeshchenie arising from relations by marriage. It was also considered unseemly by the obshchina, the rural community.

S. G. Fedorov notes that archival descriptions of snokhachestvo are extremely rare. He explains the phenomenon in relation to the structure of the traditional peasant household. In large peasant families, several nuclear families of different generations usually lived together under the authority of the bolshak, the head of the household. Fedorov also notes that snokhachestvo was associated with serious crimes in some cases, such as rape and murders motivated by jealousy. At the same time, peasant communities sometimes responded to cases of snokhachestvo through forms of extrajudicial punishment or vigilante justice, including beatings. He argues, however, that cases of snokhachestvo were often left outside the scope of peasant self-justice because of the dominant position of the large patriarchal household, which functioned as an important economic and social unit in rural life. He also notes that historians continue to debate whether peasant self-justice should be understood as part of customary law or as an extraordinary measure existing outside customary law.[4]

The position of daughters-in-law during a husband's minority could make them vulnerable to sexual coercion by their fathers-in-law. Among historians, however, there is disagreement about how widespread such practices were.

Bezgin argues that early marriages may have contributed to the practice of snokhachestvo. As an example, he cites ethnographer A. P. Zvonkov’s description of marriages between 12–13-year-old boys and 16–17-year-old brides in several villages of Yelatomsky Uyezd in Tambov Governorate.[25] However, Zvonkov himself neither links such marriages to snokhachestvo nor presents them as one of its causes. The interpretation that such marriages contributed to snokhachestvo comes from Bezgin, not from Zvonkov's account.[26] Snokhachestvo could also create tensions within the household, including between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law. Contemporary accounts describe a range of reactions, including jealousy, but do not suggest a single universal pattern.

Don Cossacks

This subsection concerns the historical Don Cossack communities along the Don River, in areas now mainly in southern Russia. Ethnographer M. N. Kharuzin devoted a substantial study to various aspects of Don Cossack life, including the practice of snokhachestvo. Among the Don Cossacks, marriages were often arranged by the parents. Kharuzin noted that among Old Believer Don Cossacks, fathers sometimes married their sons at a very young age to women aged about twenty or older, ostensibly to bring a worker into the household. In such cases, the bride was chosen “of course, one that he himself liked” and after the wedding began paying her court. “The attention of the head of the household and the full freedom he granted would flatter the daughter-in-law’s vanity.” By the 1880s, ethnographic accounts suggest that attitudes toward such practices were changing: ethnographer M. N. Kharuzin recorded complaints from older Cossack men who claimed that young brides sometimes invoked accusations of improper conduct by a father-in-law in order to leave an arranged marriage. According to their account, a bride who wished to depart shortly after the wedding might allege harassment, even where none had occurred. As men from the Chernyshevskaya stanitsa reportedly told Kharuzin: “A girl might fall for someone else before the wedding, and three days after it, she leaves. And then the only excuse the women give is, ‘The father-in-law has been making advances,’ even though he may not have done anything.” In some cases, snokhachestvo led to the murder of the father-in-law, committed either by his wife or by his own son. According to Cossack informants, more submissive wives, noticing their husband's illicit conduct toward the daughter-in-law, sometimes pretended not to see anything, believing that “grief cannot be helped by swearing and shouting.”[7]

Galicia

The sources discussed in this subsection concern territories that are now part of western Ukraine. Scholar and publicist Ivan Franko associated snokhachestvo primarily with the structure of the patriarchal extended family or zadruga, arguing that traces of the practice could serve as evidence that undivided family communes had once been more widespread. Referring to earlier studies of communal and extended-family institutions in different parts of Ukraine, he suggested that reports of snokhachestvo in the Carpathian region should be understood in this broader social context.

At the same time, Franko also connected the practice with economic considerations within peasant households. He wrote that fathers sometimes arranged marriages between underage sons and older women in order to introduce an additional adult worker into the household, while the father himself assumed the role of husband until the son reached maturity. According to Franko, such arrangements were characteristic of patriarchal large-family households and survived despite opposition from both church and state authorities.

Discussing late nineteenth-century Galicia, Ivan Franko wrote that cases of snokhachestvo also occurred in his region, especially in the Carpathian foothill areas, though usually as isolated incidents. Franko observed that little attention had so far been paid to such cases, not least because the men concerned had every reason to keep them hidden, although some cases nevertheless reached the courts.

Writing in 1895, Franko describes a case heard about ten years earlier in the district court of Drohobych. A widower, “not yet very old,” had married off his eldest son in order to bring additional labor and assistance into the household. The son, however, unlike the younger and more dependent sons more typical of such households, refused to submit to his father’s authority and sought a division of the family property. Among other complaints, he accused his father in court of “making advances” toward his wife. As the son declared during the hearing: “When I married, it was for myself, not for my father.”

The father vehemently denied the accusation, swearing that he had never touched his daughter-in-law improperly. The court preferred to take the old man’s denial at face value. Yet Franko interpreted the episode as evidence that snokhachestvo and the patriarchal extended-family structures associated with it had continued to survive in rural Galician society into the late nineteenth century.[2]

Bulgaria and neighboring Balkan regions

In the 19th century, in villages around Sofia, Caribrod (now Dimitrovgrad), Breznik, Radomir, the Kyustendil region, and the Kraishte area, boys were often married at a young age to older women—typically grooms aged 15–18 and brides 20–25. According to historian and Slavist Konstantin Jireček in his The Principality of Bulgaria (1899), this practice was explained by the desire to introduce an additional adult worker into the household as early as possible, while daughters were kept in their parental homes longer so that their labor could continue to contribute to the family economy. Marriages were commonly arranged by parents without consulting the children, and in some cases girls were compelled to marry despite existing attachments. In such unions, the conjugal role of underage husbands was at times assumed by the father or another elder male relative, where such figures still existed. Jireček associated these practices with domestic conflict, including disputes, divorce, and occasionally violent outcomes. He recounts a case from the Kraishté area in which a peasant, having married off his still very young son, killed his daughter-in-law after failing to establish the desired relations, and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment.[5]

In European canon law, prohibitions on incest extended not only to relations between blood relatives (consanguinity) but also to certain relations by marriage (affinity).[27] In the Russian Empire, similar prohibitions were reflected in both ecclesiastical (canon law) and civil law; relationships by affinity were treated as a form of kinship, and marriage or sexual relations within certain degrees were prohibited. These prohibitions were covered by the legal category of krovosmeshchenie, a historical Russian legal term referring to prohibited sexual relations within specified degrees of consanguinity and affinity.[28][19] Under imperial law in cases involving close affinity relations, punishments could include exile to the Tomsk or Tobolsk governorates or confinement in correctional detention wards.[19] In practice, however, especially in volost courts applying customary law, penalties could be less severe and might include corporal punishment such as lashes.

19th-century evidence and statistics

Ethnographer and writer Sergey V. Maksimov, in his study “Сибирь и каторга” (“Siberia and Penal Servitude”, 1871), analyzed criminal statistics relating to convictions for krovosmeshchenie in the Russian Empire. According to data he cited for a nine-year period, 61 men and 48 women were convicted of such offenses.[29]

He reported that such cases were recorded most frequently in the Tobolsk, Vyatka, and Perm governorates, as well as in the territory of the Don Cossack Host and in the Poltava and Kharkov governorates, and that they were most common among peasants, with a particularly high incidence among former military settlers and Don Cossacks.[29] Among the forms of krovosmeshchenie reflected in these statistics, relations between a father-in-law and daughter-in-law occupied the most prominent place. Maksimov wrote that, unlike many other forms of krovosmeshchenie—most of which, in his account, involved coercion—snokhachestvo represented a form of relationship that could be based on mutual agreement between the participants.[29] At the same time, according to historian Sergey G. Fedorov, Maksimov regarded snokhachestvo as a morally reprehensible phenomenon associated with further adulterous relations.[4]

Ethnographic materials from the Oryol Governorate reveal divergent assessments. Some informants described tolerant attitudes toward certain forms of affinal sexual relations in villages such as Konevka and Melovoe, while other testimonies emphasized that such relationships were regarded as grave sins under Orthodox moral teaching. Modern historians have interpreted this material differently, highlighting either the tolerance of such practices or the persistence of strong religious condemnation.[30][31]

Ethnographer P. M. Bogaevsky describes snokhachestvo as uncommon among Sarapul peasants and not regarded as a typical or widespread practice, noting that it was only occasionally justified by reference to the Bible.[32]

Ethnographer N. A. Kostrov notes that in the Tomsk Governorate only seven court cases of snokhachestvo were recorded between 1836 and 1861, all involving coercion, suggesting that the practice was relatively rare or often concealed.[33]

Similar observations were made in Galicia. Ivan Franko, in his article Сліди снохацтва в наших горах (“Traces of Snokhachestvo in Our Mountains”), reports that by the time of writing (late 19th century), isolated cases of snokhachestvo were recorded there, particularly in the Carpathian foothills.[2]

Disappearance

As the patriarchal peasant household continued to disintegrate and land divisions became more common, snokhachestvo—already a vestigial phenomenon by the late 19th century—began to disappear altogether. The small, nuclear family became predominant in the village, with married sons and their parents living separately, and under such conditions, snokhachestvo no longer had any place.[25][34]

Snokhachestvo in the arts

There are sexual connotations in the relationship between Katerina and her father-in-law in Shostakovich's 1934 opera Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District, but not in the 1865 story it is based upon.

In 1927, Olga Preobrazhenskaia, "the leading woman director of [Soviet] fiction films in the twenties", and her co-director, Ivan Pravov, released a film condemning snokhachestvo. Titled The Peasant Women of Ryazan (in Russian, Baby ryazanskie), the silent film is about the rape and pregnancy of a woman whose husband is away in World War I. The rapist is her father-in-law, and the woman, overcome by shame, drowns herself when her husband returns from battle.[35]

In the 1910 novel Impure Blood (Nečista krv) by the Serbian writer Borisav Stanković, the heroine Sofka is married into a family in which snokhachestvo is portrayed as a long-established custom. The novel depicts a rural community where fathers-in-law are said to cohabit with their daughters-in-law and where boys may be married off at a young age so that adult women can be brought into the household as workers. Sofka's father-in-law Marko, himself a product of such a family tradition, becomes obsessed with her and is driven to self-destruction by the conflict between his desire for his daughter-in-law and his awareness of its moral implications.[36]

References

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  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Franko, Ivan (1895). "Сліди снохацтва в наших горах" [Traces of Snokhachestvo in Our Mountains]. Житє і слово [Life and Word] (in Ukrainian). 4. Lviv: Stauropegion Institute Press: 101–104.
  3. ↑ Bezgin, Vladimir B. (2012). Правовые обычаи и правосудие русских крестьян второй половины XIX – начала XX века [Legal customs and justice of Russian peasants of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries] (in Russian). Tambov: Tambov State Technical University. p. 90.
  4. 1 2 3 Fedorov, Sergey G. (2015). "Снохачество и самосуд в обычном праве русских и сибирских деревень во второй половине XIX – начале XX века" [Snokhachestvo and Vigilante Justice in the Customary Law of Russian and Siberian Villages in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries]. Historical, Philosophical, Political and Legal Sciences, Culturology and Study of Art. Issues of Theory and Practice (in Russian) (11 (61)). Tambov: Gramota: 185–188. ISSN 1997-292X.
  5. 1 2 3 Jireček, Konstantin (1899). Княжество България [The Principality of Bulgaria] (in Bulgarian). Plovdiv: Hr. G. Danov. p. 92. По нѣкои мѣста въ Софийский окрѫгъ, въ околиитѣ Царибродъ, Брѣзникъ и Радомиръ, как-то по Кюстендилско и Краище... [In some places in the Sofia district, in the regions of Tsaribrod, Breznik, and Radomir, as well as in the Kyustendil and Kraishte areas...]
  6. 1 2 Coxe, William (1784). Travels into Poland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. Interspersed with Historical Relations and Political Inquiries. Vol. 1. London: T. Cadell. pp. 439–440.
  7. 1 2 Kharuzin, Mikhail N. (2004). "Сведения о казацких общинах на Дону: материалы для обычного права" [Information about Cossack communities on the Don: materials for customary law]. Русская семейная и сексуальная культура глазами историков, этнографов, литераторов, фольклористов, правоведов и богословов XIX — начала XX века [Russian Family and Sexual Culture Through the Eyes of Historians, Ethnographers, Writers, Folklorists, Jurists and Theologians of the 19th – Early 20th Centuries] (in Russian). Vol. 2. Moscow: Ladomir. pp. 112–113, 211–212. ISBN 5-86218-444-9.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Pushkareva, Natalia L. (1997). Частная жизнь русской женщины: невеста, жена, любовница (X — начало XIX в.) [Private Life of a Russian Woman: Bride, Wife, Lover (10th–early 19th century)] (in Russian). Moscow: Ladomir. pp. 160–161. ISBN 5-86218-230-6.
  9. ↑ Vasmer, Max (1987). "сноха́" [Etymological Dictionary of the Russian Language]. Этимологический словарь русского языка (in Russian). Vol. 3. Moscow: Progress. p. 700.
  10. 1 2 Gerov, Nayden (1904). "Снаха́чество" [Dictionary of the Bulgarian Language]. In Теодоръ Панчевъ (ed.). Рѣчникъ на блъгарскꙑй язꙑкъ (in Bulgarian). Vol. 5. Пловдивъ: Съгласие. p. 213. Снаха́чество, с. ср. Кога свекръ мрьсува съ снахѫ си.
  11. 1 2 3 Krawiec, Adam (2000). Seksualność w średniowiecznej Polsce [Sexuality in medieval Poland] (in Polish). Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie. pp. 69–70. ISBN 83-7177-035-9.
  12. ↑ Dmitry S. Likhachyov, ed. (1950). Повесть временных лет [Primary Chronicle]. Литературные памятники (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow–Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR Press. p. 15. ...предъ отьци и предъ снохами...
  13. ↑ Pushkareva, Natalia L. (1997). Частная жизнь русской женщины: невеста, жена, любовница (X — начало XIX в.) [Private Life of a Russian Woman: Bride, Wife, Lover (10th–early 19th century)] (in Russian). Moscow: Ladomir. p. 11. ISBN 5-86218-230-6. …добиваться ее согласия на это предприятие («с нею же кто съвещашеся»)…
  14. ↑ Piotrowski, Jan (1894). A. Czuczyński (ed.). Dziennik wyprawy Stefana Batorego pod Psków [Diary of Stephen Báthory's Campaign against Pskov] (in Polish). Kraków: Księgarnia Spółki Wydawniczej Polskiej. p. 23.
  15. ↑ Papée, Fryderyk (1891). Skole i Tucholszczyzna: monografia historyczna [Skole and Tukhlya Region: A Historical Monograph] (in Polish). Lwów: Księgarnia i Skład Nut Gubrynowicza i Schmidta. p. 119.
  16. ↑ Hacquet, Balthasar (1794). Neueste physikalisch-politische Reisen, in den Jahren 1791, 92 und 93, durch die Dacischen und Sarmatischen oder Nördlichen Karpathen, dritter und vierter Theil [Latest Physico-Political Travels in the Years 1791, 1792 and 1793 through the Dacian and Sarmatian, or Northern Carpathians, Third and Fourth Part] (PDF) (in German). Vol. 3–4. Nuremberg: Raspische Buchhandlung. p. 20.
  17. ↑ Radishchev, Alexander N. (1988). "Путешествие из Петербурга в Москву" [A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow]. Сочинения (in Russian). Moscow: Художественная литература. pp. 105–110. ISBN 5-280-00080-9.
  18. 1 2 3 Engelstein, Laura (1992). The Keys to Happiness: Sex and the Search for Modernity in Fin-de-siècle Russia. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. pp. 45–46. ISBN 0-8014-9958-5.
  19. 1 2 3 "Кровосмешение". Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron (in Russian). Saint Petersburg: F. A. Brockhaus and I. A. Efron. 1895. p. 801. По русскому законодательству (Улож. о наказ. изд. 1885 г., ст. 1593—1596)... Вообще народ видит теперь в снохачестве преступление...
  20. ↑ Nabokov, Vladimir D. (November–December 1902). "Плотские преступления по проекту Уголовного уложения" [Carnal Crimes under the Draft Criminal Code]. Вестник права (in Russian): 129–189.
  21. ↑ Mondry, Henrietta. Pure, Strong And Sexless: The Peasant Woman's Body and Gleb Uspensky. Rodopi, 2005. ISBN 90-420-1828-3, pp. 34–35.
  22. 1 2 3 Smirnov, Aleksandr G. (2004). "Очерки семейных отношений по обычному праву русского народа" [Essays on Family Relations in the Customary Law of the Russian People]. Русская семейная и сексуальная культура глазами историков, этнографов, литераторов, фольклористов, правоведов и богословов XIX — начала XX века [Russian Family and Sexual Culture Through the Eyes of Historians, Ethnographers, Writers, Folklorists, Jurists and Theologians of the 19th – Early 20th Centuries] (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow: Ladomir. pp. 448–450. ISBN 5-86218-443-0.
  23. 1 2 Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia, Olga P. (2004). "Жизнь «Ивана». Очерки из быта крестьян одной из чернозёмных губерний" [The Life of “Ivan”: Essays on the Everyday Life of Peasants in One of the Black Earth Provinces]. Русская семейная и сексуальная культура глазами историков, этнографов, литераторов, фольклористов, правоведов и богословов XIX — начала XX века [Russian Family and Sexual Culture Through the Eyes of Historians, Ethnographers, Writers, Folklorists, Jurists and Theologians of the 19th – Early 20th Centuries] (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow: Ladomir. pp. 682, 696. ISBN 5-86218-443-0.
  24. ↑ Kharuzin, Mikhail N. (2004). "Сведения о казацких общинах на Дону: материалы для обычного права" [Information about Cossack communities on the Don: materials for customary law]. Русская семейная и сексуальная культура глазами историков, этнографов, литераторов, фольклористов, правоведов и богословов XIX — начала XX века [Russian Family and Sexual Culture Through the Eyes of Historians, Ethnographers, Writers, Folklorists, Jurists and Theologians of the 19th – Early 20th Centuries] (in Russian). Vol. 2. Moscow: Ladomir. p. 106. ISBN 5-86218-444-9.
  25. 1 2 Bezgin, Vladimir B. (2013). "Преступления на сексуальной почве в российской провинции второй половины XIX – начала XX века" [Sexual Crimes in the Russian Province in the Second Half of the 19th – Early 20th Century]. Yuridicheskie issledovaniya (in Russian) (5): 201–246. doi:10.7256/2305-9699.2013.5.788. В середине XIX в., по сведениям А. П. Звонкова... По мере распада патриархальной семьи и увеличения числа крестьянских разделов снохачество как явление сельского быта стало сходить на нет. Преобладающей в деревне стала малая, нуклеарная семья, в которой по причине раздельного проживания родителей и женатых детей снохачеству объективно не было места...
  26. ↑ Zvonkov, A. P. (1889). "Современный брак и свадьба среди крестьян Тамбовской губернии Елатомского уезда" [Modern Marriage and Wedding among the Peasants of Yelatomsky Uyezd of Tambov Governorate]. In Н. Харузин (ed.). Сборник сведений для изучения быта крестьянского населения России (обычное право, обряды, верования и пр.) (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow: Типография Левенсон и К°. pp. 24–49.
  27. ↑ Clementsson, Bonnie (2020). Incest in Sweden, 1680–1940: A History of Forbidden Relations. Lund: Lund University Press. p. 35. ISBN 9789198469905. From the year 1215, incest prohibitions included both consanguinity and affinity relationships up to the fourth degree...
  28. ↑ Belova, Svetlana N. (2017). "Близкое родство и свойство как препятствия к браку" [Close kinship and affinity as impediments to marriage]. Sotsialno-politicheskie nauki (in Russian): 60–61. Согласно циркулярному Указу Святейшего Синода... К отношениям кровного родства (в соответствии с вышеназванным Указом Священного Синода) приравниваются также отношения свойства, под которыми понимается возникающая после заключения брака родственная связь между одним супругом и родственниками другого супруга...
  29. 1 2 3 Maksimov, Sergey V. (1900). Сибирь и каторга [Siberia and Penal Servitude] (in Russian) (3rd ed., in three parts ed.). Saint Petersburg: Parovaya tipografiya (Barona Kridenera). pp. 310–311. Кровосмешению со снохою и со свекром принадлежит первое место... и только снохачество является формою любовной связи, закрепленною на обоюдном (менее принудительном) соглашении... По губерниям, кровосмесители всего больше понесли наказание в Тобольской, Вятской, Пермской, земле Донских казаков, Полтавской и Харьковской... В 9 лет общее число кровосмесителей равняется 61 мужч. и 48 жен. Чаще других этот вид преступников заявлялся в среде крестьян одинаково, но особенно сильную наклонность обнаружили бывшие военные поселяне и казаки (донские)
  30. ↑ Ostrovsky, Alexander B. (2018). "Представления о кровосмешении в русской крестьянской среде конца XIX в. (по материалам Фонда В. Н. Тенишева)" [Perceptions of incest in the Russian peasant environment of the late 19th century (based on materials from the V. N. Tenishev Archive)]. Культура славян и культура евреев: диалог, сходства, различия [Culture of Slavs and Jews: Dialogue, Similarities, Differences] (in Russian). Moscow: ANO "Sefer" Center: 143–145. ISSN 2658-3356.
  31. ↑ Bezgin, Vladimir B. (2004). Крестьянская повседневность (Традиции конца XIX – начала XX века) [Peasant everyday life (Traditions of the late 19th – early 20th century)] (in Russian). Moscow–Tambov: Tambov State Technical University Press. ISBN 5-8265-0311-4. Так, в орловском селе Коневке было «распространено... Так, в Орловской губернии кровосмешение оценивалось как большое преступление перед православной верой...
  32. ↑ Богаевский П. М. (1889). Заметки о юридическом быте крестьян Сарапульского уезда Вятской губернии [Notes on the legal life of peasants in the Sarapul district] (in Russian). Губернская типография. p. 17.
  33. ↑ Костров Н (1876). Юридические обычаи крестьян-старожилов Томской губернии [Legal customs of peasant old-timers of Tomsk Province] (in Russian). Томск: Томская губернская типография. p. 75.
  34. ↑ Bezgin, Vladimir B. (2004). Крестьянская повседневность (Традиции конца XIX – начала XX века) [Peasant everyday life (Traditions of the late 19th – early 20th century)] (in Russian). Moscow–Tambov: Tambov State Technical University Press. ISBN 5-8265-0311-4.
  35. ↑ Movies for the Masses: Popular Cinema and Soviet Society in the 1920s by Denise Jeanne Youngblood. Cambridge University Press (1992) at p. 168. ISBN 0-521-46632-6 Accessed August 19, 2007.
  36. ↑ Stanković, Borisav (1910). Нечиста крв [Impure Blood] (PDF) (in Serbian). Београд: Нова Штампарија – Давидовић. pp. 208, 213–214.
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