Gurjars in Maharashtra

Gurjars in Maharashtra
Marathi Gujjars
Total population
55,735 [only Gujari speaking (2011 census)][a]
Regions with significant populations
Languages
• Marathi[b] • Gujari[b] • Hindi
Religion
Hinduism (Vaishnavism)
Related ethnic groups
Gurjar, Muslim Gurjars, Marathis
Surnames: Chaudhari, Patil,[5] Deshmukh[6]
Map of Maharashtra state in Western India.

Gurjars in Maharashtra or Marathi Gujjars,[c] are an ethnic community native to the Indian state of Maharashtra. They are descended from Gurjars who moved into this region during medieval times. They are mainly found in the Nashik, Pune, Amravati and Konkan divisions and scattered across eastern, western, and northern districts of Maharashtra. They are densely populated in Jalgaon, Dhule, Nandurbar, Nagpur, Amravati, Bhandara, Kolhapur, Satara districts, while Ratnagiri and Chandrapur districts have the smallest Gurjar population.

Almost all Gurjars in Maharashtra are followers of Hinduism and are part of the larger Marathi speaking community. They mostly follow Maharashtrian culture and festivals.[7][3]

According to the 1931 census of British India, which was the last census to systematically count caste, the Gurjar population in the Maharashtra region was 7,115.[8] Gurjars in Maharashtra belong to the land owning, agricultural and industrialist communities of the state.[d]

Etymology and origin

Etymology

The word "Gurjar" means someone who defeats or destroys their enemies. In Sanskrit dictionary, "Gur" means enemy and "Jar" means defeating or destroying.[11]

Origin

According to historian Dilip Patel, Gurjars in Maharashtra belong to the Aryans.[12]

According to Dharma Kumar, origin of the Gurjars is linked to Central Asian tribes. These tribes arrived India around the 7th or 8th and later spread across regions from Punjab to Maharashtra. Over time, they took up new occupations such as farming and trading.[13]

According to Romila Thapar, the Gurjars likely have origin from India. Place names in the Punjab region like Gujrat and Gujranwala districts, suggest they settled there. We also see Gurjar communities living in Kashmir. The Gurjara-Pratihara rulers governed parts of Western India, and the states of Gujarat in western India is also named after them. The presence of the Gurjar community in Maharashtra shows that they moved further south.[14]

In Maharashtra, they are not original inhabitants of the region and they mostly came from the Indian states of Rajasthan and Gujarat in the 14th[15]: 7  or the 15th century.[16][17]: 106 [18][19]

History

According to Bishakha Datta, Gurjars in Maharashtra have distinct culture tied to Rajasthan and Gujarat states. Their clothes, language, and traditions reflects this. Their women are tall and sturdy, wearing lots of jewelry. The Gurjar men are also tall and noticeable, often with light eyes and fair skin.[20]

During British rule and before the partition of India, the Chopda area in the Khandesh region of Maharashtra was under the rule of the Dode clan of Gujjars.[6][21][22]

Sir George Abraham Grierson, in linguistics survey of India, noted the migration and presence of Gurjars in the Khandesh region of Maharashtra as:

The Gurjaras (or, in the modern vernaculars, Güjars) were a foreign tribe who passed into India from the north-west and gradually spread (A.D. 400-600) as far south as Khandesh and Gujarat. The Gurjaras. The present Güjars of the Punjab and of the United Provinces preserve more of their foreign traits than the Güjar settlers further to the south and east. Though better looking, the Punjab Güjars in language, dress, and calling so closely resemble their associates the Jats or Jats as to suggest that the two tribes entered India about the same time. Their present distribution shows that the Güjars spread further east and south than the Jats. The earliest Güjar settlements seem to have been in the Punjab and in the United Provinces from the Indus to Mathura, where they still differ greatly in dress and language from most of the other inhabitants. From Mathura, the Güjars seem to have passed to east Rajputana, and from there, by way of Kota and Mandasor to Malwa, where, though their original character is considerably altered, the Gujars of Malwa still remember that their ancestors came from the Doab between the Ganges and the Jamna. In Malwa they spread as far east as Bhilsa and Saharanpur. From Malwa they passed south to Khandesh and west, probably by the Ratlam-Dohad route to the province of Gujarat. In the other direction, the Güjars extended north and are now found roaming over the Himalayas north of the Punjab and over the hills of Kashmir. It is an interesting fact that where they have not been absorbed into the rest of the population as in the plains of the Punjab (where two districts, Gujarat and Gujranwala, are named after them), they are always found to speak some dialect of one and the same language, closely connected with eastern Rajasthani and with Gujarati. The grammar of the Güjars of Swat is almost the same as that of the Rajputs of Jaipur.[23]

In Khandesh region good governance and low land taxes attracted many Gurjar farmers from Gujarat and Marwar (Rajasthan) to the region. Cotton farming grew fast, so they started farming more land that their families could manage. Migration was slow before 1850, but it increased a lot by 1864 because of the cotton boom during the American Civil War.[24][25] The government's policy of settling Bhils led them to occupy land north of the Tapi Basin. While the Tapi plains were turned into cotton fields. These were actually fertile lands with bushes and trees. The Bhils live off the land and, unlike Gurjar farmers did not have the resources to turn land into a commodity. As commercial farming of wheat, cotton, and sugarcane grew, Gurjars expanded the land market. More land under cultivation created a shortage of farm labour.[24]

In the 1860s, Nandurbar had a cotton boom. The British ryotwari system let farmers own land and pay tax directly to the state, so peasants benefited and landlords stayed weak. The first farming boom in Khandesh was also tied to Gurjars migrating from Gujarat from the 1830s onward.[26][27] They took over most farmland in Shahada taluka and Nandurbar. Gurjars already lived in eastern Khandesh, but this new wave settled the northwest. Business communities like Parsis from Gujarat and Marwaris from Rajasthan also arrived around the same time.[28][27]

1850s British records only mentioned that more land was being plowed. After Gurjars migrants settled and took over land in Khandesh region of Maharashtra, the British records began to mention a lack of workers. Gurjars took advantage of British laws and the fact that Adivasi did not understand Land ownership. By using lies, very high interest loans, and outright cheating, they pushed Adivasis into a state almost like slavery.[15]: 7 [29][30][31][32] For Bhil farmers in northwest Khandesh, things were different. The Land there was mostly owned by Gurjar landlords, not by small farmers. Earlier, Build were willing to work for them if they got clothing, food and little money. Even though Bhil farmers were earning more for working Gurjar landlords. Gurjar landlords used debt and legal loopholes to keep them dependent. By adding heavy charges to loans and controlling the accounts, landlords took the entire harvest and left Bhils with only basic food and clothes.[15]: 7 [33][31] Caste was very important in Khandhesh's history because it shaped how people worked and produced things before modern capitalism. The practice of tying labor to debt first started and became common between Gurjar landlords and Adivasis.[15]: 7 [33][32][31][34]

It is believed that Gurjars in Ratnagiri district and settled there almost a century ago.[35] The Gurjars originally moved to Dhule district during the 1830s[36] to 1880s from Gujarat state.[37]

Before the arrival of Gurjars, Dhule was a Bhil-dominanted area. Over the next hundred years, the Gurjars slowly took over the Bhils' land and forced many of them into labor. The British land and tax laws helped them do this. In West and South India, the British made a deal directly with each farmer, called a 'Ryot'. They set a tax that each 'Ryot' had to pay in cash. This was how Adhivasi farmers first started using money. The village headman, called the Patil, collected the tax and basically became the government's revenue officer. The Gurjars were originally farmers. They settled in the Dhule district after British rule in the area.[37][38][39]

Later Gurjars became village Patils and we're put in charge of collecting taxes. They were initially poor farmers but later became wealthy. They charged farmers higher rents than the British required and kept the extra for themselves. Over time, they lent money to Adivasi farmers who had to pay their rent in cash. When Adhivasi couldn't pay back the loans, the Gurjar Patils took their land. Adivasi ended up as sharecroppers or yearly contract laborers working for the Gurjars.[37][40][28][29]

In Maharashtra, especially in Jalgaon and Dhule districts, there are still some caste-related conflicts between the Adivasi and landlord Gurjar communities in the areas. In 1969, a center for the upliftment of the Adivasi in these areas was set up, called Adhivasi Bhil Seva Mandal. But as they started building as office, the rich Gurjar farmers destroyed around forty homes of the Adhivasi community in Suratwanti village.[41]

The take over of Adivasi land got much worse around 1970-72. Because of the 'Green Revolution', the Gurjars started growing much more sugarcane. Since Gurjars controlled the local government loans support for Co-ops, fertilizer, machine , and seeds to themselves. All sugarcane factories in the Dhule district were owned by the Gurjars. Leaders of the Adivasi community believed court cases would not solve the conflict with landlord Gurjars. They felt the only way forward was to build large people's groups and carry out strong protest actions. The next phase of the struggle started on 30 January 1972. That day in Shahada, a large meeting of Bhil farmers took place. It was called the "Bhu Mukti Conference", which means "Conference for freeing the land".[42] Later, in 1972 Bhil landless farmers started the Shahada movement against landlord Gurjars in Khandesh region at mass level.[37][43][44][45]

Ambarsingh was an Adivasi, a Bhajan singer and Secretary of the Sarvodaya office in Shahada. One day his parents said that a boy had stolen cow dung cakes from a rich Gurjar farmer. The Gurjar farmers beat the Adivasi for this act and many Adivasi fled the village. That made Ambarsingh decide to act. Ambarsingh asked the Deputy superintendent of police for protection for Adivasis. Later he reached the S.P and asked him to investigate his village after the investigation. In investigation Eight Gurjars found guilty of harassing Adivasis and expelled, but Shahada court acquitted them. Ambarsingh saw these all and started to take meetings on his own in the village. He complained to the villagers. They all planned to build an office on government land in Shahada for filing their complaints. In retaliation 61 huts in Ambarsingh's village were burned. He spent one year seeking help from government officials and police but failed.[37][43]

After the conference, strikes ran April 17- 27. Unlike 1973, in 1974 the Gurjar landlords ignored worker demands and vowed to crush the Shramik Sangathna. They lured leader Kumar Siralkar to talk, then attacked him. A fight followed - 20 Gurjars hurt, fewer Adivasis. Police arrested Siralkar and 138 Adivasis. After the fight, Gurjars asked Chief Minister of Maharashtra to ban the Shramik Sangathna and replace local people. Police forces in Shahada and Taloda doubled, with armed units added to forests.[44][45] Backed by police, Gurjars rejected workers demands, told strikers "work on our terms or leave", and brought in outside labor, leaving local workers jobless. The government played both sides: it promised Adivasis it would fix land problems, but also backed the Gurjars who supported the Congress Party. The Maharashtra Home Minister visited Dhule district's Adivasi area in summer 1974.[37][44][45] Sharmik Sangathana later help landless bhils. Their agitation got 4,000 acres of land taken by Gurjar landlords returned to tribal control.[46][47][48]

The history of village Mankheda also has a common story from Shahada Taluka — Gurjars dominating and Bhils being oppressed.The story starts in the early 1900s with two Bhil brothers, Lakira and Fakira. They were said to have received a lot of land from the British Government, but most of it was not fertile. Around the same time, two Gurjar brothers, Ramu and Shyamu, moved to Mankheda with their widowed mother after their father died. They came to farm 5 partans (about 15 acres) of land that belonged to their grandfather. Shyamu, the younger brother born in 1911, studied till 4th grade while living with his grandfather. Over the years, the two brothers used their savings and help from relatives to buy 45 acres more partans (about 135 acres).[49][47]

They also dug a well to irrigate much of their land. Ramu died without any children. When Shyamu died, his six sons inherited all his land. Each son got about 25 acres. For many years, Bhils worked for them as saldara. Jaysing Sonawene Bhil's grandfather, Ripa Bhil, worked for them for 25 years from 1945 - 1970. After that, Jaysing's father worked for them from 1970-1979. In 1979, the Government of Maharashtra gave 14 acres from Shyamu's large land to Ripa Bhil and his family members. By then, Shyamu's land had already been divided among his Three sons and his second wife.[49]

After the National Emergency imposed by prime minister Indira Gandhi, from 1975 to 1977, the Progressive Democratic Alliance (Bihar) came to power in Maharashtra. This government has strong socialist views. It banned the saldari system. It also appointed special officers called mamledars to take action on their own against land grabbing. This included cases where Bhils took land from other Bhils, and cases where household goods were taken to pay off old debts. These cases were taken to court and solved within days. From the mid-1980s , the Sharmik Sangathana began losing support among the Bhils. This happened because the power of the Gurjars and other groups that exploited them had recused a lot.[50]

Demographics

Gurjars are mostly found in five divisions of Maharashtra: Konkan, Pune, Nashik, Nagpur and Amravati divisions. They are densely populated in the Khandesh region of Nashik division.[51][52] Most Gurjar settlements are found in Jalgaon, Dhule, Nandurbar, Nagpur, Amravati, Bhandara, Kolhapur, Satara, and Ratnagiri districts.[53]

Demographic distribution of Gujari speaking Gurjars across various districts of Maharashtra in 2011 census.

They are major landlords in different districts of the Khandesh region, especially in districts like Nashik, Nandurbar, Jalgaon[54] and Dhule.[55][36] In Dhule district alone they almost own 70 to 80% Land.[56][57][10]

Nandurbar district has a total of six talukas. Out of these six, Gujjar are in the majority in three talukas: Shahada, Nandurbar and Taloda.[58]

Clan system

Gurjars in Maharashtra are divided into many clans, similar to Gurjars in other regions of Indian subcontinent. In Khandesh region of Maharashtra Gurjars are organized into various clans with distinct names, following a patrilineal system.[2][59]

Clans

Dore Gurjars

Dode Gurjars are further divided into different subclans (kulas) these includes:[17]: 125 [59]

  • Pawar
  • Chavan
  • Simal
  • Gehlot
  • Kaba
  • Khavi
  • Solanki
  • Chauthan
  • Mori
  • Nikumbh
  • Toka
  • Gohil
  • Chavda
  • Zala
  • Dodiya
  • Vaghela
  • Huna
  • Sukhate
  • Padhikar
  • Nimbol
  • Deore
  • Bhagesar
  • Kagwa
  • Banhol
  • Dode
  • Tobar
  • Khaper
  • Khichi
  • Jadhav
  • Makvane
  • Barod
  • Dabhi
  • Harihar
  • Gaud
  • Javkhede
  • Sakhele
  • Bhatele
  • Suryavanshi
  • Borshi
  • Kalumba

Religion

In 'Maharashtra Gurjars', predominantly follow Hinduism, and some also follow Jainism. Most Gurjars follow Vaishnavism and belong to the Vallabhacharya sect of Hinduism. The exceptions are the Porvad, Nema, and Umad clans of Gurjars, who are Jains and called Srāvaks.[35]

Culture

Attire

Traditional Maharashtrian Poshakh (Attire) of Men and women.

In Maharashtra Gurjar men traditionally, wore dhoti, shirt, and Pagri. Overtime, their style changed. Nowadays, rural men often wear simple white pajamas, a white cap, and a long handkerchief. Gurjar Women typically wear 6 or 9 meter sari, draped with the pallav from right to left. Their wearing of saari style is similar to Marwadi and Gujarati women. Modern clothes like shirt-pant, safari suite s, and shoes are becoming more common, even in rural areas.[17]: 123 

Food

Typical vegetarian Maharashtrian Thali

Gurjar community eat similar food as others in Maharashtra, with both vegetarian and non-vegetarian options. They enjoy roti made from jowar, bajrra, or wheat, and dal rice on special days. Non-veg is common on Sundays. Some families are veg due to varkari influence. They also make special dishes like mande, puran poli, kheer, ladwe, and kanole for festivals like pola, Holi, and Akshay tritiya. Other treats include rasoi rice, bhajia, and dharya on naag panchami. Many of these dishes are unique to Gurjars and are cooked only in Gurjar families.[17] Gurjars in Maharashtra are mostly vegetarians.[65] For dinner they do not eat rice. Instead, they eat bread, lentils, and drink milk.[35]

Family structure

In the Gurjar community of Maharashtra, joint families are common, with generations living together. A big family with 10-20 members is called a "Khatloo". Everyone in the family loves and supports each other, creating a strong bond. Childcare responsibilities are shared, making is easier to manage education, discipline, and care. The family head assigns tasks, and everyone pitches in. Elders guide the young, sharing their experience, while the senior woman handles guests, hospitality, and household duties.[17]: 107 

Faith and belief

Marathi Gurjars are simple, religious people who follow their faith strictly. They have strong beliefs, including some superstitions. In the past, they believed in ghosts, magic, and demi-gods. Having a son is very important among Gurjars. If a women's kids kept dying, they'd give them unusual names like 'Bhikya' or 'Dhodhya' to ward off bad luck.[17]: 129 

Marriages

Gurjars in Maharashtra follow the practice of endogamy and they don't marry within their own clan (kul). They don't take dowry in marriages, and the bride's family covers the wedding costs, so the groom's side doesn't have expenses. Thei weddings happen at the bride's place. Gurjars also allow window to remarry, so there's no social restriction on it.[17]: 125 & 129 

Cousins marriages

In Maharashtra, the Gurjar community generally doesn't practice cousin marriages, standing for avoiding cross-cousin marriages. recently the Gurjar caste council allowed an exception, but only after intense debate and under certain restrictions.[66][67][68]

Festivals

Padwa festival of Maharashtra.

Hindu Gurjars celebrate different festivals with enthusiasm, but their way of celebration is unique. Their traditions are influenced by where they live, so there's similarities and differences. Rich and poor alike celebrate festivals, showing their strong religious beliefs. The Hindu year starts with Chaitra, but June is a big month for students and farmers. For Maharashtrians, the year begins with Ghudhi Padwa and other festivals includes Akshay Tritiyor Akhaji also celebrated in these days. Hindu Gurjars mainly celebrate festivals including Vat Pournima, Raksha Banshan, Holli, Diwali, Hartalika, Rishi Panchami, Dashahara, Makar Sankranti, and family rituals like Munja, Veer, Jawool, Kanubai, Aasara, and Gulabai.[17]: 130 

Social status

The Gurjars of Maharashtra were classified as a Other Backward Classes (OBC) under the Indian government's general reservation scheme of positive discrimination.[69]

In 2024, the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) under the BJP government announced the inclusion of 19 castes from Maharashtra in central OBC list. These communities include 5 Gurjars clans (Badgujar, Suryavanshi Gujar, Leve Gujar, Reve Gujar & Reva Gujar) along with Lodha caste, and Pawar/Powar castes.[70][71]

Occupation and businesses

Occupation

The main occupation of the Gurjar community in Maharashtra is agriculture and livestock, but now they're also focusing on education, doing government jobs and regional politics.[17]: 122 & 124  Some Gurjars also work as traders and moneylenders, like the Gujarati Banias and Marwari communities.[72]

In Maharashtra Gurjar farmers keep horses. They ride them to visit their crop fields.[73]

According to 2013 findings, In Maharashtra 56.14% Gurjars were cultivators, 15.07% were farmers cum agricultural laborers, 9.19% were agricultural laborers, 14.37% were in government jobs, and 5.23% were in business.[74]

A 2016 study of three villages in Nandurbar district, Maharashtra — Ambegaon, Anand Nagar and Mankheda — found that 100% all Gurjar men in these villages work only on their own farm land. The same study found that 100% all Gurjar women in these villages do only household work and childcare.[75]

Businesses

Many shops and local businesses in Nandurbar district are owned by the Gurjars, especially in Shahada, Nandurbar and Taloda talukas. Out of 33 grocery and cloth shops, Gujjars own 3. All 3 fair price grain shops are also under Gujjars management. For medical stores, there are 2 in total and 1 belongs to a Gujjar. Among 15 hotels, the 3 most popular are owned Gurjars besides these, Gujjars also own 5 grinding mils, 10 pan-bidi shops, 20 saloons, 10 goldsmith shops, and 20 tailoring shops.[76]

Literacy rate and Education

Literacy rate

The literacy of Gurjars in Khandesh region of Maharashtra is 82.18% in Jalgaon, 85.88% in Dhule, and 79.86% in Nandurbar districts. The total literacy rate for the entire Khandesh is 77.71%.[77]

In the 2011 census of India, the literacy of Gurjars in Khandesh region was 72.46%, and recently it has increased to 77.71%.[77]

Education

According to a 2018 study, in Maharashtra, almost (81.80%) Gurjars finished high school. Only 18% study beyond that, and just 10% were college graduates. Their education level were generally low, even with a good literacy rate. More females than males finish secondary school, but fewer female pursue higher education.[77]

As per 2016 findings from three villages in Nandurbar district — Ambegaon, Anand Nagar and Mankheda — Gurjar men had the following levels of education: 4% had 1-5 years of schooling, 54% had 6 to 8 years of schooling, 26% were graduates, and 16% had diplomas and vocational training.[78]

The same study found that in these villages, about 12% of Gurjar women had 1 to 5 years of schooling, 14% had 6 to 8 years of schooling, 53% had 9 to 12 years of schooling, 18% were graduates and 3% had diplomas and vocational training.[78]

Population

The 1931 British Indian census, the final one that recorded caste in detail, counted the Gurjar population in the present-day Indian state Maraharashtra as 7,115.[8]

The 2011 Indian census counted 55,735 Gurjars in Maharashtra who speak Gujari as their mother tongue. This total excludes Gurjars speak Marathi or other languages.[1]

District wise population

Districts wise Gurjar population per 2011 census in Maharashtra.

2011 census[1]
DistrictsPopulation
Jalgao35,236
Nandurbar26,776
Dhule5,580
Kolhapur245
Nashik199
Thane157
Pune149
Aurangabad95
Raigarh54
Sangli44
Nagpur38
Solapur29
Amravati22
Akola23
Nanded20
Satara20
Mumbai Suburban17
Yavatmal10
Sindhudurg10
Jalna9
Washim9
Buldhana8
Chandrapur7
Latur6
Wardha3
Gondiya3
Ratnagiri3
Gadchiroli1
Osmanabad1

Politics

In Marathwada and western Maharashtra, Maratha people are more involved in local politics. After Marathas, the Gurjars and Lingayat are the most important groups among the intermediate castes in the local politics of these regions.[79] Gurjars and Maratha are dominant communities in the local politics of Dhule district in Maharashtra, but caste conflicts between them have kept them from joining forces to protect their shared interests. Traditionally, Marathas backed the Indian National Congress Party, while Gurjars backed the Janata Party. In Dhulia, the Janata Party was mostly run by local Gurjars and led by the area's biggest landowner. That party led attacks on the Shramik Sangathana movement. The movement survived because the local Janata Party couldn't get support from the Government of Maharashtra.[80]

In the 1967 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election of Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha in Nandurbar district out of a total of sixteen seats Gujjar candidate won a total of 10 seats. Out of total 10 general seats Gujjar won 8 seats. One reserved seat for women was won by a Gujjar woman. The seat for cor-poorative society was also won by a Gujjar candidate.[81]

Jalgaon district has 11 legislative assembly constituencies, which means 11 seats. There are 7 town places and about 14 (tehsils) in all. The total number of voters was 9 lakh and a little more in the district's 11 constituencies. Marathas formed the biggest group with around 3.5 lakh voters. Gujjars and Malis were next, with about 1.5 lakhs voters each. Dhangars had more than 80,00 voters, and Muslims had a somewhat smaller number of voters.[82]

After a violent massacre of Adivasis in 1984, the state government of Maharashtra even set up a committee to look into the Janata Party's role in it. The Congress government in the state was mostly led by the Maratha community. It was likely unfriendly toward Gurjars because Gurjars had migrated from Gujarat and were seen as outsiders in Maharashtra.[80] Later in Shahada, Maharashtra in Dhule district, the Gurjars were seen as oppressors.

One Gurjar leader Purshotam K. Patil also known as P.K Patil, was known for trying to create a private army for landlords in the 1980s. He started his career in 1969, he built many corporative organizations and helped bring the Gurjar community closer together.[83] He was a big deal in Janta Dal party, but lost his seat in 1990. He blamed Sharad Anantrao Joshi for his loss in the election.[84]

In Vitner area of Maharashtra, a Gurjar women named Indrabai Patil fought for women's property rights in her area. She later became the sarpanch and worked towards empowering women.[20][85]

Notables

See also

References

  1. 1 2 3 "C-16: Population by mother tongue, Maharashtra - 2011 - Census". Census of India, Government of India.
  2. 1 2 3 Karve, Irawati Karmarkar (1960). The Hindu Society: A New Interpretation. A Series of Working Papers Presented Before the South Asia Colloquium, Fall 1959-60 ... Center for South Asia Studies, Institute of International Studies. p. 30. In northwest of the Maharashtra plateau there is an agricultural caste called Gujar. They seem to be recent immigrants into the area. Their women speak a Marathi dialect with a mixture of Nemadi words. The men speak good Marathi...There is a wandering tribe called Gujar in the Delhi area. The Marathi-speaking Gujars of Khandesh are divided into patrilineal clans with names.
  3. 1 2 Parasher-Sen, Aloka (2004). Kevala-bodhi: Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan. Vol. 2. Bharatiya Kala Prakashan. p. 259. ISBN 978-81-8090-030-3. All the communities, except Gujars and Marvadis, mostly follow Marathi culture. They speak Marathi language and follow Marathi customs and festivals. There are many Śvētāmbara communities in different parts of Maharashtra, but most of them have migrated for business purposes.
  4. ↑ Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter:6)". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University: 107. hdl:10603/350175. There are many sub-castes of Gurjars in the Khandesh region of Jalgaon district. But Gurjar language of Gurjars is spoken in certain sub castes only.
  5. ↑ The India Magazine of Her People and Culture. Vol. 17. A. H. Advani. 1996. p. 41.
  6. 1 2 Gordon, Stewart (1994). Marathas, Marauders, and State Formation in Eighteenth-century India. Oxford University Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-0-19-563386-3.
  7. ↑ Jats and Gujars Origin, History and Culture By Rahul Khari (2007) p.93.
  8. 1 2 Jaffrelot, Christophe; Kumar, Sanjay (2012-05-04). Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative Assemblies. Routledge. p. 216. ISBN 978-1-136-51661-0.
  9. ↑ Dubey, Sumati Narain; Murdia, Ratna (1977). Land Alienation and Restoration in Tribal Communities in India. Himalaya Publishing House. p. 70. In the Shahada, Navapur and Taloda talukas began in 1850, when the Gujars enslaved the Bhils by using the laws and legal procedure laid down by the British. Since 1852, with the opening of the railway, the trade of Khandesh developed rapidly. In north-west Khandesh, the landholders are mostly Gujar capitalists.
  10. 1 2 3 Kolhe, R. B. (2001). Poverty and Violence in Maharashtra: With Special Reference to Nanded and Thane Districts. Nehru Institute of Social Sciences, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth. p. 133. The Shahada Movement started around January 1972. About 75% of the population in Taloda taluka and 40% of the population of Shahada taluka are adivasis, mostly Bhils and around 60% of these adivasis are landless labourers. The soil in this area is very fertile, mostly black cotton soil, suited for cultivation of cotton, groundnut and sugarcane. Around 80% of the good land is owned by the Guiars, the dominant landowning caste.
  11. ↑ Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective: (Chapter 12)". University: 289. hdl:10603/350175. According to Sanskrit Dictionary the meaning of the "Gujar" is where Gur means enemy and Jar means defeating. It means one who vanish the enemy. Gurjari which was royal language during their kingdom, it was made as an official language & all official work was to be carried out in it.
  12. ↑ Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter:6)". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University. p.124. Quote: According to the historians and scientists the facial structure and other features of the Gurjars prove that they are totally Aryans. Gurjars have all characteristics of the Aryans and there is no racial mixture in them as they are having beautiful and stout bodies (Dilip Patel 1986, p11) Fair complexion; frail and stout, strong body; good height; black or slightly blue or brown eyes; straight and long nose, in some people it is like sword, long face with broad forehead are main physical characteristics of the Aryans and they are all visible in the Gurjars too.
  13. ↑ Kumar, Dharma (1998). Colonialism, Property, and the State. Oxford University Press. p. 372. ISBN 978-0-19-564172-1. Gujars are derived from the Central Asian tribes who invaded India in the Seventh or eight century , and founded the Gurjara Pratihara empire . They spread from the Punjab to Maharashtra , adopted new occupations , such as trade , and agriculture.
  14. ↑ Thapar, Romila (2000). Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History. Oxford University Press. p. 267. ISBN 978-0-19-564050-2. ...north Indian origin. Place names in the Punjab - Gujrat, Gujeran-wala, etc., - suggest a settlement there as do the presence of the Gujjar herdsmen in Kashmir. The Gurjara Pratihāras ruled in western India, and there is the more recent Gujarat as a name of western India. The existence of the Gujjar caste in Maharashtra points to a further movement towards the south.
  15. 1 2 3 4 Paranjape, P. V. (1981). "Kulaks and Adivasis the formation of classes in Maharashtra". Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars. 13 (1): 3–21. doi:10.1080/14672715.1981.10409913 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
  16. ↑ Shrivastavya, Vidayanand Swami (1952). Elements Amongst the Marathas. D.K. Shrivastavya for Aitihasik gaurava grantha mala. p. 126.
  17. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter:6)". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University.
  18. ↑ David, M. D. (2001). Missions: Cross-cultural Encounter and Change in Western India. ISPCK. p. 6. ISBN 978-81-7214-589-7.
  19. ↑ Quddusi, Mohd Ilyas (2002). Khandesh Under the Mughals, 1601-1724 A.D.: Mainly Based on Persian Sources. Islamic Wonders Bureau. p. 116. ISBN 978-81-87763-21-5. The Gujars, originally a shepherd caste, were numerous in Khandesh. Their original home was Gujarat but they penetrated into Khandesh through Malwa region.
  20. 1 2 Datta, Bishakha (1998). And who Will Make the Chapatis?: A Study of All-women Panchayats in Maharashtra. Bhatkal & Son. pp. 92 & 99. ISBN 978-81-85604-24-4.
  21. ↑ Mahajan, Shivaram (2023-09-30). Trust: Love is Worship, Not Lust!. Blue Rose Publishers. p. 79.
  22. ↑ Warikoo, Kulbhushan; Som, Sujit (2000). Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir. Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya. p. 8. The Desh Mukhas of Chopada are one of the chief Dor Gujar families in Khan-desh.
  23. ↑ Grierson, Sir George Abraham (1908). Linguistic Survey of India. Office of the superintendent of government printing, India. p. 323.
  24. 1 2 Upadhyay, Ashok K. (1986). "Colonial Economy and Variations in Tribal Exploitation: A Comparative Study in Thana and Khandesh Districts c 1818-1940". Social Scientist. 14 (6): 46. doi:10.2307/3517409. ISSN 0970-0293. JSTOR 3517409.
  25. ↑ Thakur, Vikramaditya (7 December 2020). Bhil (of West Khandesh): Brill Encyclopedia of Religion. Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/2665-9093_BERO_COM_033508. ISSN 2665-9093. The agricultural policy also attracted business castes such as Marwaris, a merchant and trader caste, and Gujjars, a farming caste from southern Gujarat that became involved in regimes of property ownership and commerce that disadvantaged the local Bhils (Paranjape, 1981).
  26. ↑ Kolhe, R. B. (2001). Poverty and Violence in Maharashtra: With Special Reference to Nanded and Thane Districts. Nehru Institute of Social Sciences, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth. p. 133. ...debts their land was taken by the Gujar patils who in course of time became big landlords and money lenders. The adivasis were turned into share croppers and agricultural labourers who worked on a yearly contract basis called saladars. The relationship of a saladar to Gujars was one of serfdom: not of slavery. The process of expropriation of the adivasis and their subjection to Gujars was accelerated during 1830-1880 on account of favourable govt.
  27. 1 2 Thakur, Vikramaditya (7 December 2020). Bhil (of West Khandesh): Brill Encyclopedia of Religion. Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/2665-9093_BERO_COM_033508. ISSN 2665-9093. In the adjacent plains of Nandurbar district's Taloda and Shahada tālukās, as well as in the neighboring Surat district of Gujarat, which was under direct British rule, the colonial agrarian and excise policy of the mid-19th century had a detrimental impact on the Bhil, as they lost large tracts of agricultural land to caste Hindus. Those that benefited most from the land settlement at their expense included the Vāṇis and farming castes such as the Paṭels and Gujjars (Shah, Thakur et al., 2018).
  28. 1 2 Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7.
  29. 1 2 Bhasin, Kamla; R, Vimala (1980). Readings on Poverty, Politics, and Development. Freedom from Hunger Campaign, Action for Development, Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. pp. 168–169.
  30. ↑ Brahme, Sulabha; Upadhyaya, Ashok (2004). Maharashtra. Manak Publ. p. 350. ISBN 978-81-7827-064-7. Noted by the Gazetteer is the problem of increasing tillage-as if that was not a "shortage of labour"! It is only after the occupation of large chunks of land by the immigrant Gujar population that a shortage of labour arose. It is on this background that the British descriptions have to be taken...
  31. 1 2 3 Scenario of the 7 Percent. Vol. 2. Cinemart Foundation. 1984. pp. 230–231.
  32. 1 2 Dubey, Sumati Narain; Murdia, Ratna (1977). Land Alienation and Restoration in Tribal Communities in India. Himalaya Publishing House. pp. 70–71.
  33. 1 2 Nilsen, Alf Gunvald (2018). Adivasis and the State: Subalternity and Citizenship in India's Bhil Heartland. Cambridge University Press. pp. 66–67. ISBN 978-1-108-49653-7.
  34. ↑ Minault, Gail (1981). The Extended Family: Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan. South Asia Books. pp. 233–234. ISBN 978-0-8364-0765-5.
  35. 1 2 3 Maharashtra (India) (1960). Maharashtra State Gazetteers: Ratnagiri District. Directorate of Government Print., Stationery and Publications, Maharashtra State. p. 204. They are strict vegetarians, and for their evening meals never take rice, but eat bread, pulse and milk. Except Porvads, Nemas and Umads, who are Śrävaks or Jains the Gujars are Vaisnavas of the Vallabhācāri sect. Though they have settled in Ratnagiri for more than a century, the Gujjar still live there.
  36. 1 2 Minault, Gail (1981). The Extended Family: Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan. South Asia Books. p. 233. ISBN 978-0-8364-0765-5. Bhil tribals, mainly landless laborers, form the majority of the population and Gujars the dominant class in Dhulia district. Gujars migrated to Dhulia in the 1830s and settled.
  37. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Maria, Mies (1976). "The Shahada movement: A peasant movement in Maharashtra (India) — its development and its perspectives". The Journal of Peasant Studies. 3 (4). Routledge: 474–482. doi:10.1080/03066157608437995 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
  38. ↑ Sulabha Brahme; Ashok Upadhyaya (2004). Agrarian Structure, Movements & Peasant Organisations in India: Maharashtra. p. 350. ISBN 9788178270647.
  39. ↑ Mies, Maria (1976). "A Peasants' movement in Maharashtra its development and its perspectives". Journal of Contemporary Asia. 6 (2): 172–185. doi:10.1080/00472337685390201.
  40. ↑ Kolhe, R. B. (2001). Poverty and Violence in Maharashtra: With Special Reference to Nanded and Thane Districts. Nehru Institute of Social Sciences, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth. p. 133.
  41. ↑ Brahme, Sulabha; Upadhyaya, Ashok (2004). Maharashtra. Manak Publ. p. 407. ISBN 978-81-7827-064-7. In 1969 a center for the upliftment of the Adhivasi in these areas was set up, called Adhivasi Bhil Seva Mandal. But as they started building as office, the rich Gurjar farmers destroyed around forty homes of Adhivasi community in Suratwanti village.
  42. ↑ Desai, Akshayakumar Ramanlal (1986). Agrarian Struggles in India After Independence. Oxford University Press. p. 412. ISBN 978-0-19-561681-1. The Adiv IS d that the Gujar-Adivasi contradiction could not be resolved by legal action. They saw the need for mass organization, and militant mass action. The next phase of the movement began on 30 January 1972, when a big peasants' conference, the Bhu Mukti-Liberation of the Land Conference was held in Shahada.
  43. 1 2 India, Ministry of Agriculture Govt of (2004). State of Indian Farmer: A Millennium Study. Academic Foundation. pp. 173–175. ISBN 978-81-7188-370-7.
  44. 1 2 3 Bhasin, Kamla; R, Vimala (1980). Readings on Poverty, Politics, and Development. Freedom from Hunger Campaign, Action for Development, Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. pp. 170–175.
  45. 1 2 3 Desai, Akshayakumar Ramanlal (1986). Agrarian Struggles in India After Independence. Oxford University Press. pp. 407 to 416. ISBN 978-0-19-561681-1.
  46. ↑ Reddy, Deepa S. (2006). Religious Identity and Political Destiny: Hindutva in the Culture of Ethnicism. AltaMira Press. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-7591-0685-7. Young radicals in Maharashtra's Dhule district formed a group called the Sharamik Sangatana (or Toilers Union), and organized tribals who had been dispossessed by Gujar landlords to get their lands back. Four thousand acres of land were returned to tribal control as a result of that agitation...
  47. 1 2 Kulkarni, S. D. (1974). "Over a Century of Tyranny". Economic and Political Weekly. 9 (10). Economic and Political Weekly: 389–392. ISSN 0012-9976.
  48. ↑ Thakur, Vikramaditya (7 December 2020). Bhil (of West Khandesh): Brill Encyclopedia of Religion. Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/2665-9093_BERO_COM_033508. ISSN 2665-9093. Another notable mahārāj was Ambarsing Suratwanti (1940–1974), who later renounced his religious activities and joined forces with middle-class communist activists from urban centers to start a group called Shramik Sanghatana, and led a movement against the Gujjars, Vāṇis, and the forest department.
  49. 1 2 Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. pp. 188–189. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7.
  50. ↑ Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. p. 181. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7.
  51. ↑ Quddusi, Mohd Ilyas (2002). Khandesh Under the Mughals, 1601-1724 A.D.: Mainly Based on Persian Sources. Islamic Wonders Bureau. p. 115. ISBN 978-81-87763-21-5. The most numerous castes of Khandesh were the Korkus, the Rajputs, Kunbis, Balahis, Brahmins and Banias. The Gujars, the Kunbis and Malis were the best cultivating castes. The Hindu immigrants into Khandesh had come from Gujarat,...
  52. ↑ Sarkar, Sumit (2014). Modern India. Pearson Education India. p. 130. ISBN 978-93-325-4085-9. Nor was Tilak's movement a purely Chitpavan Brahman affair: membership lists of his Home Rule League show considerable partici-pation of non-Brahman traders in Poona, and Gujars and Marathas out-numbered Brahmans in districts like Khandesh.
  53. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Maharashtra (India) (1960). Maharashtra State Gazetteers: Ratnagiri District. Directorate of Government Print., Stationery and Publications, Maharashtra State. Gujars: Gujars of the Porvad, Nema Umad, Khadayata and Shrimali sub-divisions are found all over the district.
  54. ↑ The India Magazine of Her People and Culture: Volume 17. A. H. Advani. 1996. p. 41.
  55. ↑ Basu, Amrita (2023-11-15). Two Faces of Protest: Contrasting Modes of Women's Activism in India. Univ of California Press. p. 115. ISBN 978-0-520-33815-9. The relative weakness of caste domination is a critical ingredient of political radicalism in Dhulia (Dhule) district. As in West Bengal but unlike in most districts of Maharashtra, Dhulia's dominant caste varies from one village to the next. Although Dhulia's largest landowners are Gujars, they are followed closely by Marathas and Rajputs.
  56. ↑ Maria, Mies (1976). "The Shahada movement: A peasant movement in Maharashtra (India) — its development and its perspectives". The Journal of Peasant Studies. 3 (4). Routledge: 474. doi:10.1080/03066157608437995 – via Taylor & Francis Online. Dhule district: Forty per cent of the population of Shahada and 75% of the neighbouring taluka Taloda are Adivasis, mostly Bhils. 50-60% of these Adivasis are landless labourers. The soil in this area is very fertile, most of it black cotton soil which is suited for cotton, groundnut and sugar cultivation. 70-80% of the good land is in the hands of the Gujars, the dominant landowning caste which also monopolies economic and political power in the district. The Gujars migrated to this area in the course of the nineteenth century from the neighbouring Gujarat. At that time the Dhulia district was almost entirely Bhil territory.
  57. ↑ Deshpande, R. S. (2004). State of the Indian Farmer: NGOs and farmers' movements. Department of Agriculture and Cooperation, Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India. p. 173. ISBN 978-81-7188-393-6. The Dhule district had 75 per cent of the population of the tribals most of them were Bhils. The economically dominant caste was the Gujars, who had almost 80 per cent of the fertile land under their ownership. Most of the tribals, i.e., 60 per cent, were landless labourers. The Gujars, who were basically outsiders.
  58. ↑ Baroda, Maharaja Sayajirao University of (1971). Journal of Sayajirao University of. Vol. 21 (22 ed.). Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda. p. 41. Three of these Talukas-Shahada, Nandurbar and Taloda are the Gujar-dominated Talukas. The dominance, of Gujars in the number of villages in these Talukas is shown below.
  59. 1 2 3 4 Gujarat (India) (1975). Gujarat State Gazetteers: Mehsana. Directorate of Government Print., Stationery and Publications, Gujarat State by Government of Gujarat. p. 183. There were many sub-divisions among Gurjars, Important of them are Dor and Reve Gurjars. In support of this views, it is noted that names of many of the sub-castes of Anjnas are found among the list of Khandesh Gurjars. "The most important of Khandesh Gujar cultivators are the Reves and Dores. According to their hereditary chroniclers, the Reve Gujars trace their origin from Lahu Raja and his four sons..... ..........and say that they came from Ranthambhor (Rajasthan) in Hindustan.
  60. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter:5)". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University. p.95-96
  61. 1 2 Karve, Irawati Karmarkar (1968). Maharashtra, Land and Its People. Directorate of Government Printing, Stationery and Publications, Maharashtra State, Government of Maharashtra. p. 31.
  62. 1 2 India (1953). Dominion Law Reporter. Vol. 3. p. 15. Gujars. Their local sub divisions are Leve and Karwa and many of them are also known as Dalia , because they made ... Deshmukh and Deshpandia in existence in this area.
  63. ↑ Gujarat (India) (1975). Gujarat State Gazetteers: Mehsana. Directorate of Government Print., Stationery and Publications, Gujarat State. p. 183.
  64. 1 2 3 4 5 Host Bibliographic Record for Boundwith Item Barcode 30112050248951 and Others. Vol. 20. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. 2013. Gujars of the Porvad, Nema Umad, Khadayata and Shrimali sub-divisions are found all over the district, especially in Dapoli...
  65. ↑ Thakur, Vikramaditya (7 December 2020). Bhil (of West Khandesh): Brill Encyclopedia of Religion. Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/2665-9093_BERO_COM_033508. ISSN 2665-9093. Vegetarianism and abstinence were a distinctive habit of Brahmans, Vāṇis, and Gujjars.
  66. ↑ Karve, Irawati Karmarkar (1953). Kinship Organisation in India. Deccana College Post-graduate and Research Institute. p. 9. In the north-west corner of Maharashtra there is a caste called the Gujar. Unlike other agricultural castes, this caste does not practise cross-cousin marriage. Recently, however, one such marriage was allowed by the caste-council after a very heated debate for two days and after imposing a ban.
  67. ↑ Institute, Deccan College Post-graduate and Research (1953). Monograph Series. p. 9.
  68. ↑ Harrison, Selig S. (2015-12-08). India: The Most Dangerous Decades. By Princeton University Press. pp. 99–100. ISBN 978-1-4008-7780-5. Recently the caste council of the immigrant Gujar caste in northwest Maharashtra, which does not practice the cross-cousin marriage practiced by most agricultural castes in the region, allowed one such marriage after a heated two-day debate and the imposition of a token fine on the families involved. When Mrs. Karve, who was in the village when this incident occurred, asked on what basis the caste council consented to such a marriage, she was told by an elder: "One cannot resist the customs of the land in which one lives. After all, a fish cannot wage a feud against water."
  69. ↑ Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7. Gujars are an 'Other Backward Class' caste in Maharashtra and are eligible for reservations in educational institutions and government jobs.
  70. ↑ "19 castes from Maha added to OBC list". Hindustan Times. 2024-10-10. Retrieved 2026-04-14.
  71. ↑ "Include 7 more communities in central OBC list, says NCBC". The Times of India. ISSN 0971-8257. Retrieved 2026-04-14.
  72. ↑ Scenario of the 7 Percent. Cinemart Foundation. 1984. p. 231. The trading and moneylending activists needed to secure produce at the taluka level were mainly in the hands of Marwari and Gujarat Vanis as well as a few of the richest Gujars.
  73. ↑ Maharashtra State Gazetteers: Dhulia. Director of Government Printing, Stationery and Publications, Maharashtra State. 1974. p. 256. The other class of local husbandmen is the most important and consists of mainly Maratha, Gujar, Rajput and Mali. Of these, the Gujar cultivators are very fond of maintaining horses to take round in the fields. The Malis still continue their traditional way of cultiva-tion i.e. bagait or mala.
  74. ↑ Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter 7): Economic Status and Economic Composition of Dode Gurjar community". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University. p.138.
  75. ↑ Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. p. 233. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7.
  76. ↑ Baroda, Maharaja Sayajirao University of (1971). Journal of Sayajirao University of. Vol. 21 (22 ed.). Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda. p. 49. There are 33 grocery and cloth shops, three of them are owned by the Gujars. All the three fair price grain shops are also managed by the Gujars. There are two medical stores one of which is owned by a Gujar. Similarly there are 15 hotels of which three most popular are owned by the Gujars. Over and above these there are 5 grinding mills, 10 panbidi shops, 20 saloons, 10 sonar shops and 20 tailoring shops...
  77. 1 2 3 Patil, A. M. (2018). "Demographic Study of Dode Gurjar Community of Khandesh A Geographical Perspective (Chapter:10): Literacy and Educational Level of Gurjars". University. Kavayitri Bahinabai Chaudhari North Maharashtra University. p.254 & 266.
  78. 1 2 Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. p. 234. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7.
  79. ↑ Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative Assemblies by Christophe Jaffrelot (2012) p.232
  80. 1 2 Basu, Amrita (2023-11-15). Two Faces of Protest: Contrasting Modes of Women's Activism in India. Univ of California Press. pp. 115–117. ISBN 978-0-520-33815-9. Caste conflicts among dominant groups, particularly between the Gujars and Marathas, have prevented them from unifying to defend their shared class interests; traditionally Marathas supported Congress whereas Gujars supported the Janata party. The local Gujar-dominated Janata party, led by Dhulia's single largest landowner, has spearheaded repression of the Shramik San-gathana. The movement has survived these assaults because the local Janata party has failed to enlist the state government's support. In fact, following a brutal massacre of adivasis in 1984, the state govern-ment established a committee to investigate Janata-party complicity in the violence. The Maratha-dominated Congress government may be particularly unsympathetic to Gujars, who as migrants from Gujarat are outsiders to the state.
  81. ↑ Baroda, Maharaja Sayajirao University of (1971). Journal of Sayajirao University of. Vol. 21 (22 ed.). Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda. p. 49. Out of the 10 general seats & have gone to Gujar candidates in the 1908 elections. The woman reserved seat has also been captured by a Gujar woman. Similarly the chairman of the Co-operative society being a Gujar the total strength of the Gujar members in the house of 16 members is 10. The remaining two general seats being captured by a Mali and a Dhobi candidate. The dominance of the Guiars becomes important because the panchayat...
  82. ↑ Deo, V. P. (2000). Politics of Modern Maharashtra. Dastane Ramchandra & Company. p. 75. Jalgaon district consists of 7 seats legislative assembly constituencies. There are 7 town places and approximately 14 tulakas. In all there were 9 lakhs and odd number of voters. Marathas constituted the largest pro-portion with approximately 3.5 lakhs voters. Malis and Gujjars came second having approximately 1.5 lakhs voters each , fol- lowed by Dhanagars with 80000+ and Muslims with some-what lesser number of voters each.
  83. ↑ Shah, Alpa; Lerche, Jens; Axelby, Richard; Benbabaali, Dalel; Donegan, Brendan; Thakur, Vikramaditya; Raj, Jayaseelan (2017-11-20). Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in 21st Century India. Pluto Books. ISBN 978-1-78680-205-7. 36. Purshottam K. Patil (1923-2014), popularly called 'P.K. Anna', was a leader of the Shahada Gujars from the 1950s to the 1990s. He set up many cooperative institutions from 1969 onwards and consolidated the solidarity within the Gujar community (Sawant 2002).
  84. ↑ Gala, Chetna (3 February 2020). "Empowering women in villages: All-women village councils in Maharashtra, India". Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars. 29 (2): 39 & 40. doi:10.1080/14672715.1997.10409689. Retrieved 2026-04-12 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
  85. ↑ Dhanda, Meena (2008). Reservations for Women. Women Unlimited, Kali for Women. p. 193. ISBN 978-81-88965-41-0.
  86. ↑ "सरनोबत प्रतापराव गुजर: Sarnobat Prataprao Gujar (Marathi) | Exotic India Art". www.exoticindiaart.com. Retrieved 2026-07-12.
  87. ↑ "Who Is Shalinitai Gujar? The Only Independent Candidate To Win In Pune & Pimpri-Chinchwad Civic Polls". Free Press Journal. Retrieved 2026-04-13. She hails from an influential political family in Pimpri-Chinchwad's Wakad and Thergaon area. Her husband, Santosh Gujar, is a well-known local leader and a former corporator. The Gujar family is regarded as one of the established political families in the Thergaon region

Bibliography

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Notes

  1. ↑ There were 55,735, Gujari-speaking Gurjars in Maharashtra in 2011 census of India.[1] These numbers does not include Gurjars who speak other languages.
  2. 1 2 Gurjar is a multilingual community in Maharashtra they speak Marathi,[2][3] Gujari,[4] and Hindi languages.
  3. ↑ Marathi: (महाराष्ट्रातील गुर्जर / मराठी गुर्जर); Gujari: (مہاراشٹرا ماں گرجر / مراٹھی گجر); Hindi: (महाराष्ट्र में गुर्जर / मराठी गुर्जरों)
  4. ↑ Gurjar is a landowning,[9][10] industrlist and agricultural[2] community of Maharashtra.[10]
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