Dangrek Incident

Dangrek incident
Part of Cambodian–Vietnamese War, and
Cambodian humanitarian crisis
see caption
Dangrek Mountain Range
LocationCambodia–Thailand border, Dângrêk Mountains
Date8-15 June 1979
TargetCambodian refugees in Thailand
Attack type
Death March, massacre
Deaths3,000-10,000+
PerpetratorsRoyal Thai Armed Forces,[1] Thai border authorities[2]

The Dangrek Incident was a series of actions involved in the June 1979 systematic forced repatriation of 42,000 to 45,000 Cambodian refugees, mostly women and children, by armed Thai soldiers. This transpired in the area of the Preah Vihear temple, a 11th/12th century Khmer ruin on the Cambodian side in the Dangrek Mountains on the border with Thailand. Carried out over multiple days, thousands died from being shot by Thai soldiers, stepping on landmines, falling off cliffs, or from exposure or disease after becoming trapped in the minefields below the cliff. The Thai military knew the area was mined.

Vietnamese forces overthrew the Democratic Kampuchea regime in Cambodia in January 1979, forcing the Khmer Rouge from Cambodia's capital Phnom Penh and westward to the Thai border where they were supported by Thailand. Having survived the Khmer Rouge and the invasion by Vietnam, Cambodians faced the poor conditions left by Pol Pot's regime and then a subsequent famine. As a result, approximately 140,000 Khmer refugees sought asylum in Thailand between the spring and early fall of 1979.[3]

In early June of 1979, Cambodian refugees who'd already arrived at the Thai border, along with those incoming from Cambodia, were forced using violence and deception to board buses bound for the border near Preah Vihear. There, Thai soldiers relieved them of their possessions and forced them at gunpoint down the cliff and into the minefields, back to Cambodia. Those who refused or attempted to return were shot. Several who'd managed to successfully descend the cliff remained trapped below into July, where more perished. The death toll ranges from 3,000 to 10,000+.

Thai officials said the decision was made in response to the lack of assistance from Western countries in accepting refugees, and was done with Thailand's security in mind.

Background

On 25 December 1978, supported by exiled Cambodian dissidents, Vietnam invaded Kampuchea (Cambodia) and captured capital Phnom Penh within weeks. Driven from power and into the northwest border area with Thailand was the Khmer Rouge,[4] whose regime caused the deaths of up to 2.8 million Cambodians from exhaustion, starvation, disease, lack of medical care, or execution.[5][6] Thailand viewed Vietnam’s victory as a political threat and strengthened ties with the ousted Khmer Rouge and China, a Khmer Rouge ally opposed to Vietnam. Thailand allowed a weapons flow from China to the Khmer Rouge,[7] who funded themselves by smuggling gems and timber across the Thai border.[8] China in turn ceased support for Thai communists and awarded the Thai military with cheap arms.[9] Into 1979, the Khmer Rouge were permitted entry into Thailand to escape and recover from attacks by the Vietnamese, before returning to Cambodia.[10][11] The entry of civilian refugees was blocked as much as possible.[12]

Most Cambodian survivors of the Khmer Rouge had already lost family and most personal property, their homes, and had no means of survival. Some feared further persecution from the Vietnamese whom they perceived as a historical enemy. With few options and also facing starvation, hundreds of thousands of Cambodians fled famine as 1979 advanced, seeking refuge at the Thai border.[13] Thailand laid land mines to stop the anticipated influx of Cambodian refugees, and then closed its borders. This led to refugees gathering in camps dotting the Cambodian side.[14] Thailand's approach to Cambodian refugees was harder than to Hmong, Lao, Vietnamese, and Sino-Vietnamese due to a perception that "millions" could arrive.[15]

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and scholar-practitioner Dr. Fiona Terry report that between April 21st and 26th of 1979, 6,000 Cambodian refugees were pushed back to Cambodia from Ta Phraya district in Thailand by authorities.[16][17] Dr. W. Court Robinson wrote that an additional 1,700 Cambodian refugees were also pushed back in April from Aranyaprathet's Wat Koh area.[18] Between the 18th and 23rd of May, some 1,000-3,000 more Cambodian refugees were pushed back to Cambodia from Nong Chan, north of Aranyaprathet. During a three-week pause on push backs, a minimum of 15,000 Cambodian refugees entered Thailand. This pause, from late April to mid-May, may have been performative as Secretary-General of the United Nations Kurt Waldheim was scheduled to visit in May. Once Waldheim arrived, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and UNHCR convinced him to visit the refugee encampments at Wat Koh. In response to pleas from the loved ones of refugees pushed back the month before, Waldheim tried convincing Thai prime minister Kriangsak Chamanan to allow the refugees to remain. [19]

Rumors and New York Times report

On June 5, Frenchwoman Yvette Pierpaoli traveled to the border from her Bangkok home upon rumors Thai officials planned to forcibly repatriate a large number of Cambodian refugees. Seeing Cambodians detained behind barbed-wire, she returned to Bangkok to organize an emergency response.[20] British journalist and former foreign correspondent William Shawcross wrote that 110 buses arrived early Friday June 8th to a Cambodian refugee border encampment at Nong Chan.[21][22] Thai soldiers told refugees they’d be moved to another camp; some refugees didn’t believe this.[23] Emptying the camp took three days[24] and then Thai officials continued to other sites.[25]

In a New York Times article published June 12th, former foreign correspondent Henry Kamm reported that over the previous days, Thai officials bused tens of thousands of Cambodian refugees to the Preah Vihear area of the Dangrek Mountains to be forced at gunpoint down a cliff back into Cambodia.[26][2] A Thai military officer said that more present and arriving Cambodian refugees would be forced back the same way.[2] The officer said this area was the best chance for survival, then acknowledged the presence of "mines and booby traps" that cause casualties.[2]

Rescue attempts and protest

The Thais arrived with Preah Vihear-bound buses to corral the Cambodian refugees at Aranyaprathet's Wat Koh area.[27] Relatives of many refugees contacted their embassies after hearing that family members, whom they had just learned had survived the Khmer Rouge, would now be forced back into Cambodia.[2] French journalist Roland‐Pierre Paringaux reported that a Khmer New Zealander trailed a convoy carrying a dozen of his family members with documentation securing their safety. He pleaded with the Thai officers at each stop before his family was driven off to Preah Vihear.[28]

Barb-wire blocked Pierpaoli, American diplomat Lionel Rosenblatt, and two others from the Wat Koh enclosure when they arrived June 12th with 22 buses in a rescue-attempt.[29] From outside the camp they read names aloud from a list of refugees approved for resettlement.[30][2] There were translation problems reading the names and some named refugees were skeptical.[31] The foreigners also "picked out" refugees. Pierpaoli “simulated a dead faint” into the distracted Thai soldier's arms, allowing a woman and child to board the foreigners' bus and three male refugees to run off.[32] 1,500 listed refugees[33] were saved; most refugees listed were taken to Preah Vihear.[2] The Thais expelled the foreigners, and informed refugees they’d be transported to resettlement camps. Thai soldiers used physical violence to force a number of refugees onto the buses.[34]

Pierpaoli, Rosenblatt, and others brought the rescued Cambodian refugees to Bangkok's Lumpini Transit Center. The Thais initially objected so USAID worker MacAlan "Mac" Thompson got the officials drunk and they relented. Thompson also attempted to trail the buses and was stopped by a Thai Army roadblock, though he correctly reported to Rosenblatt that the caravan was headed towards Preah Vihear.[35]

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Thailand protested the decision, which the Thai government “angrily rejected.” As a consequence, ICRC delegate Francis Amar was forced to return to Geneva, and replaced.[36]

Massacre at Preah Vihear

After 14 hours,[37] the buses arrived to the Preah Vihear area after dark.[38] The Thai forces secured the spot from any possible outside observation.[39] Children and women were the majority of passengers.[2] The Thais handed out small amounts of rice,[40] and then told the refugees: "Thai money will not be valid in Kampuchea. We ask you make a voluntary contribution to our military."[41] Thai soldiers confiscated money and personal property they discovered on the refugees.[42]

At gunpoint,[43] refugees were forced to descend a mined trail "down the nearly vertical mountainside," into the minefield that lay at the foot. Refugees were told they'd run into Vietnamese soldiers at the other end.[44][14] The Thai military was aware there were mines in the path.[45] Shawcross reported that a group of refugees combined their valuables and held a white flag while returning towards Thai soldiers who took the items then "opened fire on" the group.[46] In what she calls the Preah Vihear Massacre, Dr. Khathaleeya Liamdee reported that those who refused to descend were shot.[47] In To Bear Any Burden by Al Santoli, survivor Kassie Neou reported that Thai soldiers shot and killed a widowed mother who begged to stay. According to Neou, after soldiers ordered someone to take the woman's baby "out," he then discovered the deceased infant on a rock as he descended the cliff, and noted that a whole family had been killed.[48]

Neou further reported hearing explosions regularly as he climbed down the cliff with his children. He "walked over" a separate pile of bodies belonging to an entire family, including parents, a grandmother, an uncle, and multiple infants, noting that another entire family had also been killed.[48] Many attempting to return were shot and killed by Thai soldiers.[49] Thompson reported that former Lon Nol soldiers were the first forced down. Once their bodies cleared a path through the minefield, refugees behind them "stepped over" the dead.[50] According to Neou, most dead in the minefields belonged to the people forced down on June 8th; the refugees in his group walked in each other's footsteps.[48]

Dr. W. Courtland Robinson[51] wrote that approximately two-thirds of the refugees were ethnic Chinese.[52]

Some 10,000 Cambodian refugees remained trapped in the minefields beneath Preah Vihear for over a week, into July.[53][54] During this time, survivor Teeda Butt Mam wrote that the refugees "lay beside, stepped over, ate near, and slept with the mutilated dead."[55] Water and food were scarce,[56] and several young men who ventured out in search of water were killed by landmines.[57] Refugees hunkered against the mountains survived on rice sold at “usurious prices” by Thai soldiers.[58] Traversing the minefields took three days,[59][60] and Thai soldiers shot at anybody attempting to return.[61][62] Some refugees died of disease and exposure.[63]

Attempts to aid and rescue stranded refugees

Swedish ambassador Jean-Christophe Öberg was permitted by Thai authorities to bring supplies to the surviving Cambodian refugees via the Swedish Red Cross. Vietnamese authorities agreed at first before changing their minds, saying aid must go through Phnom Penh’s government instead of across the border. This aid would never reach the refugees in time.[64]

On June 30th, Pierpaoli was finally granted permission by Thailand to bring 21 tons of rice to stranded refugees. She and Rosenblatt got as close to Preah Vihear as they could but were unsuccessful at getting the rice into the hands of the survivors. However, the pair received numerous notes written by stranded Cambodian refugees through Thai farmers near the border. Further, the Thai government responded by allowing the rice to be distributed.[65] The Thais then agreed in July under world and UN pressure to readmit 1,000 of the surviving Cambodian refugees named on a list provided by Pierpaoli and Rosenblatt[66] “who can still be saved,” with help from UNHCR and the U.S. Embassy.[67][68] This was permitted on the condition that the refugees be resettled elsewhere. The refugees were forced to return over the minefields and ascend the cliff to safety.[69]

Fatalities

Shawcross wrote that 43,000-45,00 Cambodian refugees were forced down the cliff,[70] and Dr. Courtland Robinson wrote the number was more than 42,000 by June 15th.[71] Robinson wrote that the first people forced down the cliff, and the last to escape the minefields below Preah Vihear, suffered the worst casualties.[72]

The 1991 report Land Mines in Cambodia: The Coward's War by Human Rights Watch & Physicians for Human Rights said "thousands" died at Preah Vihear, the majority from dehydration, mines, and diarrhea.[14]

In her 1992 book Disposable People?: The Plight of Refugees, academic and former Chairwoman of the Women's Refugee Commission Judy A Mayotte said an official death count did not exist and that 10,000 refugees dead from shootings and mines alone "is considered a conservative estimate."[73]

A 2017 UNHCR report said a minimum of 3,000 Cambodians died from "being shot by the soldiers, falling down cliffs, or stepping on landmines,"[74] while, according to Larry Thompson in 2010, it's unknown by the UNHCR how many of the refugees who survived the initial descent and became trapped, made it out alive.[75]

Dr. Khathaleeya Liamdee, whose focus includes Thai-Cambodian border relations,[76][77] wrote in 2024 that “over 10,000” of 43,000 died from landmines, injuries, starvation, and malaria in the “Preah Vihear Massacre.”[78]

Aftermath

Criticism

The UNHCR's lack of action led to sharp criticism from its Bangkok-based staff. Several mid-level workers sent letters of protest to Geneva as the massacre at Preah Vihear proved that the agency's policy of making sure to not offend Thai authorities didn’t work. Shawcross wrote that the silence over the April pushbacks had emboldened Thai authorities instead of halting the process, leading to the disaster.[79]

The US government, according to Shawcross, was the sole authority capable of stopping the move. UNHCR representative Leslie Goodyear, among others, attempted to convince the US embassy to act. Later on, US embassy staff admitted their reaction was “too weak.”[80] US ambassador Morton Abramowitz explained the "weak" response as a fear of "undermining" Kriangsak," saying:

We asked the Thais to stop. They refused. We took the view that if the government had been forced to stop in midstream, Kriangsak could have been brought down by the military. Also we hoped that the refugees would be able to get back. We didn't realize how awful the geography was.[81]

Shawcross wrote that, at the same time of the events at Preah Vihear, the Khmer Rouge were permitted by Thailand to "remain in well-hidden enclaves" on Thailand's southern border area.[82]

Geneva Conference

After the massacre at Preah Vihear, a meeting convened by the World Council of Churches was held July 23rd at United Nations Human Rights Council's Geneva headquarters to address the issue of Indochinese refugees.[83][84] Representatives of more than 60 nations attended.[85] US Vice President Walter Mondale likened the Indochinese refugees to victims of 1930’s fascist Germany and urged the nations to take in the refugees.[86] Thai Foreign Minister Uppadis Pachariyangkun stated that the mass influx of “land” refugees into Thailand was due exclusively to the Cambodian conflict and that withdrawal of Vietnamese troops was the only solution.[87] However, the Vietnamese “boat people” were the main focus; the Cambodian refugees were barely mentioned.[88]

Thailand establishes border camps and collaborates with Khmer Rouge

Upon visiting the border in October, the "misery" had Prime Minister Kriangsak visibly distressed. This, along with world outcry over Thailand's treatment of Cambodian refugees,[89] resulted in Sa Kaeo Refugee Camp's creation "almost overnight," though conditions were poor and unsanitary.[90] Rosalynn Carter visited Ban Kaeng camp in November 1979.[91] In November 1979, the largest camp, Khao-I-Dang, was opened. More Khmer refugees came fleeing the K5 Plan run by the Vietnamese occupation army.

Officially, Thailand was “neutral” regarding the Vietnamese rulers of Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge and other Khmer resistance groups. In practice, Thailand used the latter as well as the numerous Cambodian refugees as a buffer against the Vietnamese. With this, Thailand transferred weapons and funded guerrilla groups.[92] Thailand was adamant that the resistance, particularly the Khmer Rouge, must first approve and then dictate on their terms any international aid to Cambodian refugees.[93]

Border closure and "evacuees" policy

The Thai border was closed again in January 1980 as Thai officials worried the abrupt influx of refugees was leading to a demographic shift as well as a geopolitical conflict with Vietnam.[94] The Thai government created a new word, evacuees, in order to signify that the refugees would only be welcomed temporarily and that they had to be relocated elsewhere as soon as possible.[95] Thai officials developed a policy of "humane deterrence" in order to reduce of the number of Indochinese refugees in those camps. Those arriving by land were no longer referred to as refugees but as illegal immigrants. The camps were provided only with the bare necessities and interviews with international representatives for possible third-country resettlement were banned for new refugees.[3]

Causes

Henry Kamm reported that a Thai military official explained the decision as a response to the West's perceived failure to accept Cambodian refugees swiftly enough for what Thailand viewed as a security-risk.[2] Thai authorities stated that the location in the Dangrek mountains near Preah Vihear offered the best chance for survival, despite landmines and other hazards.[2]

When ICRC delegation head Francis Amar protested a day after the first group was taken to Preah Vihear, saying the refugees may die or end up in the same situation that first led them to flee, an infuriated Kriangsak justified the decision as Thailand's "business" and carried out “to protect national interest.” He then banned Amar from Thailand.[96]

Days later, during a June 14th lunch with Jean-Christophe Öberg, Kriangsak was "pleased" the world finally acknowledged Thailand's refugee issue because of the massacre. Kriangsak later told Secretary-General appointed Ilter Turkmen that Thai “public support” favored the decision and only a promise that all the Cambodian refugees would be settled outside of Thailand would stop it, which Turkmen could not make.[97]

Larry Thompson wrote how the Thais had been pushing back Cambodian refugees "daily," and it had been a "simple process" compared to the "elaborate and dramatic" busing of tens of thousands of Cambodian refugees to the "famous" Preah Vihear specifically. Noting the Thais allowed Pierpaoli and others to "save" some refugees, demonstrating secrecy was unimportant, he cites Dr. Court Robinson among those who agree that Thailand was telling the world that they wouldn’t shoulder the Cambodian “refugee burden” alone:

“Help, or watch Cambodians pushed back to die," was the message.[98]

This Dangrek Mountain range border area followed the watershed in a map produced by the Franco-Siamese Treaty of 1904[99] but demarcation would be decided by a Mixed Commission, not a watershed principle.[100] The French and Siamese surveyed the area[101] and then the topography was left to the French at Siam's request.[102] The resulting Franco-Siamese Treaty of 1907 map placed Preah Vihear in Cambodia, and Siam's authorities requested and received multiple maps for distribution; decades later, they objected.[103][104] The ICJ ruled in June 1962 that Thailand was bound by the map it long accepted, thus affirming Preah Vihear was located in Cambodia.[105] In 2011, Dr. Peter Vail [106] wrote that the choice of the Preah Vihear area for the atrocity may have been “a cruel revenge” for the International Court of Justice's 1962 ruling.[107] In 2026, historian Dr. In Sophal also expressed that the Preah Vihear massacre was "nationalist revenge" stemming from Thailand's loss of the Khmer temple in the 1962 ICJ ruling.[108]

Perpetrators

New York Time's reporter Henry Kamm describes his military source as "well-placed" and an "officer."[2] Thai Prime Minister Kriangsak Chamanan told Jean-Christophe Öberg that, though he's pleased Thailand has finally received attention, the decision came from the Supreme Command, now called the Royal Thai Armed Forces.[109] In Land Mines in Cambodia: The Coward's War, Human Rights Watch & Physicians for Human Rights also identifies the Royal Thai Army as the perpetrators.[14]

Survivors and Media

Some survivors among the refugees with families and children went on to share their experience. Teeda Butt Mam, who was about 19 at the time, describes her experience starting on page 254 of her 1989 book To Destroy You Is No Loss.[110] Kassie Neou shares his ordeal on page 268 in the 1986 oral history To Bear Any Burden by Al Santoli.[111] Mengly Jandy Quach details his family’s forced descent in his 2018 biography Dangrek Mountains: Unforgettable.[112]

The first film to document the massacre at Preah Vihear, called Ghost Mountain: The Second Killing Fields of Cambodia,[113] follows Cambodian refugee Bunseng Taing, a survivor now living in Connecticut (USA), as he returns to the Dangrek Mountains in Cambodia to tell his story. The documentary debuted at the Sedona Film Festival in 2019.[114][115] In 2023, Bunseng Taing released his memoir called Under the Naga Tail.[116]

In January of 2026, LD Productions began shooting another film about the massacre at Preah Vihear based on survivor Dr Quach Mengly’s experience recounted in his book. Historian Vong Sotheara notes the consistency across the testimony of survivors, saying, “When people from different places tell the same story, it is not fabrication. And there are many written records and consistent accounts describing these sufferings.”[117]

Legacy

Anti-Siamese sentiment among the Khmer

Because tens of thousands of Khmers had been forced by famine to find refuge in Thailand, the violent response by the Thai authorities left a mark on the modern conscience.[118] More specifically, the inhumane treatment of Khmer refugees has fuelled anti-Siamese sentiment in Cambodia. The anti-Thai riots of 2003 in Cambodia were filled with the memory of the violence inflicted on the refugees in Dangrek mountains.[119] The Dangrek events fuelled not only anti-Siamese sentiment but also anti-Vietnamese as the Khmer Rouge used the atrocities in Dongrek as a platform for lobbying against the Vietnamese occupation.[120]

Demining along the border

In the aftermath of war, it has taken decades to take out the landmines left behind by the Khmer Rouge, Thai and Vietnamese soldiers in the Dangrek mountain range, and more generally across Cambodia.

References

  1. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 88. ISBN 0671606409.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Kamm, Henry (1979-06-12). "Thais Deport 30,000 Cambodians While Others Continue to Arrive". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
  3. 1 2 Kim, Audrey U. (2003). Not Just Victims: Conversations with Cambodian Community Leaders in the United States. University of Illinois Press. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-252-07101-0.
  4. ↑ "Bài 3: Tổng phản công, cùng quân dân Campuchia đánh đổ chế độ diệt chủng". Báo Quân đội Nhân dân (in Vietnamese). Retrieved 29 August 2024.
  5. ↑ "UCLA demographer produces best estimate yet of Cambodia's death toll under Pol Pot". UCLA. Retrieved 20 May 2024.
  6. ↑ Historical Society of Long Beach (2026). "Years of Turmoil and Pain". hslb.org.
  7. ↑ Robinson, Courtland (2000). "Refugee warriors at the Thai-Cambodian border". Refugee Survey Quarterly. 19 (1): 26. doi:10.1093/rsq/19.1.23. ISSN 1020-4067. JSTOR 45053197.
  8. ↑ Fawthrop, Tom; Jarvis, Helen (2014). Getting Away With Genocide?. ISBN 0-86840-904-9.
  9. ↑ Robinson, Courtland (2000). "Refugee warriors at the Thai-Cambodian border". Refugee Survey Quarterly. 19 (1): 26. doi:10.1093/rsq/19.1.23. ISSN 1020-4067. JSTOR 45053197.
  10. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 167. ISBN 9780786455904.
  11. ↑ Terry, Fiona (2002). Condemned to repeat? The Paradox of Humanitarian Action (PDF). McFarland. p. 118. ISBN 978-0801487965.
  12. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 167. ISBN 9780786455904.
  13. ↑ Historical Society of Long Beach (2026). "Years of Turmoil and Pain". hslb.org.
  14. 1 2 3 4 Physicians for Human Rights (1991). Land Mines in Cambodia: The Coward's War, September 1991. Human Rights Watch. p. 25. ISBN 978-1-56432-001-8.
  15. ↑ Kim, Audrey U. (2003). Not Just Victims: Conversations with Cambodian Community Leaders in the United States. University of Illinois Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-252-07101-0.
  16. ↑ Terry, Fiona (2002). Condemned to repeat? The Paradox of Humanitarian Action (PDF). McFarland. p. 118. ISBN 978-0801487965.
  17. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 45. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  18. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 45. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  19. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 45. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  20. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 169. ISBN 9780786455904.
  21. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 88. ISBN 0671606409.
  22. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 46. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  23. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 88. ISBN 0671606409.
  24. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 46. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  25. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 88. ISBN 0671606409.
  26. ↑ Tang, Eric (2015). Unsettled: Cambodian Refugees in the NYC Hyperghetto (PDF). p. 29. ISBN 9781439911662.
  27. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  28. ↑ Roland‐Pierre Paringaux (1979). "The army has ruthlessly completed the first phase of the expulsion of the Cambodians". lemonde.fr/.
  29. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 170. ISBN 9780786455904.
  30. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  31. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  32. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 170. ISBN 9780786455904.
  33. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  34. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  35. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 170. ISBN 9780786455904.
  36. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 92. ISBN 0671606409.
  37. ↑ Liamdee, Khathaleeya (2024). Khao-I-Dang Refugee Camp: Local Hosts and Hauntings of the Third Indochina War in a Transit Zone (PDF). p. 97.
  38. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  39. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  40. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  41. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. p. 89. ISBN 0671606409.
  42. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  43. ↑ Tang, Eric (2015). Unsettled: Cambodian Refugees in the NYC Hyperghetto. p. 29. ISBN 9781439911662.
  44. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  45. ↑ Henry Kamm (1979). "Cambodia Says Thai Troops Killed 300 Refugees Forced Over Border". nytimes.com/.
  46. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a report from Ethiopia. pp. 89, 90. ISBN 0671606409.
  47. ↑ Liamdee, Khathaleeya (2024). Khao-I-Dang Refugee Camp: Local Hosts and Hauntings of the Third Indochina War in a Transit Zone (PDF). p. 97.
  48. 1 2 3 Santoli, Al (1986). To Bear Any Burden: The Vietnam War and Its Aftermath in the Words of Americans and Southeast Asians. Ballantine Books. p. 258. ISBN 978-0345331885.
  49. ↑ Short, Philip (2004). Pol Pot The History of a Nightmare (PDF). p. 410. ISBN 978-0-7195-6569-4.
  50. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 171. ISBN 9780786455904.
  51. ↑ Johns Hopkins University (2025). "W. Cortland Robinson, PhD". publichealth.jhu.edu/.
  52. ↑ Robinson, Court (1988). Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response. p. 48. ISBN 978-1856496100.
  53. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a Report from Ethiopia. p. 91. ISBN 0671606409.
  54. ↑ Thompson, Larry Clinton (2010). Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, 1975–1982. McFarland. p. 172. ISBN 9780786455904.
  55. ↑ Chan, Sucheng (2004-05-05). Survivors: Cambodian refugees in the United States. University of Illinois Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-252-07179-9.
  56. ↑ Shawcross, William (1985). The Quality of Mercy : Cambodia, Holocaust, and Modern Conscience : with a Report from Ethiopia. p. 90. ISBN 0671606409.
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Bibliography

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