This glossary lists terms often found or noted in scholarly literature on the Maya civilisation. It includes: phrases in or from Mayan languages,[7]terms of art employed particularly by Mayanist scholars, and names of things or entities which predated the 18th century.[8] It excludes: technical terms not used solely by Mayanists, names of individuals,[9] names of archaeological sites,[10] and names of things or entities which only dated to or post-dated the 18th century.[11]
In linguistics, a class of morphemes characteristic of Mayan languages; class of roots which may take derivational affixes to form words (either predicates or adverbs); describe sounds or actions (possibly jointly).[19] Traditionally (since the 1970s) called affects, but more recently (2010s) termed expressives.[20] Examples include ni'm for oomph! or to push in Mam, and puuq' for splash! or to spash in K'ichee'.[20]
In epigraphy and linguistics, a grammatical particle, prefix, or prepound characteristic of Maya honorifics. Linguistically reconstructed as the classifying prepound *'aj- in proto-Mayan, meaning male or relatively larger or stronger animate being.[21]
ajaw
See ajaw. Also 'ahau, 'ahaw, 'ajau, 'ajaw, ahau, ahaw, ajau.
In archaeology, buildings and structures of Maya architecture. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest such included houses, huts, bridges, and roads.[37]
In anthropology, childhood in Maya families. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest forms of childhood recognised may have been limited to early infancy.[46]
In archaeology, colours of Maya visual arts. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the proto-Maya people may have recognised at least five colours: black (*'ejq'), white (*saq), red (*kaq), yellow (*q'an), and grue (*ra'x).[62]
In anthropology, concepts of or by Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] some of the earliest such named included existence, recognition, and dreams,[66] plus those in specialised domains (sciences and the like).[67]
In epigraphy and linguistics, types of clauses characteristic of Classic Mayan, and common in the hieroglyphic corpus; formed by juxtaposition of two clauses of the same type, sans overt markers or morphological changes; may be a form of parataxis.[68] For instance, noun phrases u-took' and u-pakal (for their flint or weapons and their shields in Classic Mayan, respectively) in the sentence ?-yi u-took'-u-pakal[ii] for their flint and shield or military might was vanquished.[70] Similarly, verb phrases nahb'-ja and witz-ja (for to pool and to heap up in Classic Mayan, respectively) in the sentence nahb'-ja-u-ch'ich'-le witz-ja-u-jol-li for their blood pools and their skulls pile up.[71]
In anthropology and archaeology, the cuisine of Maya people; part of Mesoamerican cuisine. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest basic tastes recognised included sweetness, bitterness, saltiness, and sourness,[76] and that early gastronomic techniques included grinding, broiling, toasting or roasting, crushing or squashing, and mashing with mortar and pestle, the latter especially of chillies and tomatoes.[79] They further suggest: the proto-Maya may have used maize for dough, pinole, and a fermented drink,[83] whilst their descendants further employed the cereal for atole and hominy.[84] These and archaeological findings further suggest early consumption of maize kernels was relatively limited, increasing only from the middle Preclassic with the adoption of Mesoamerican masa (nixtamalised maize dough, ground thrice on a metate with a mano).[80]Maize tortillas (of masa, cooked on a clay comal) are thought to have been an even later (late Postclassic) addition to the cuisine.[80]
In anthropolgy and archaeology, plant or crop farming in Maya agriculture. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] ancestral Maya peoples may have farmed cacao, tobacco, pot herbs, pineapples, and most especially maize (see domestication).
In archaeology, epigraphy, and linguistics, day names in Maya calendrics. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest such were adopted (with significant changes) from Mesoamerica during the spread of the 260-day calendar, with two classes of twenty day names each being the earliest such reconstructible.[88] In Eastern Mayan (the first class), the reconstructible day names are: 1. *'iimox (a god?), 2. *'i'q' (wind), 3. *'ahq'ab'aal (night), 4. *k'aat (burning or net), 5. *kaan (snake), 6. *kameeh (dying?), 7. *kehj (deer), 8. *q'aneel (?), 9. *tohj (payment), 10. *tz'i' (dog), 11. *b'a'tz' (howler monkey), 12. *'eeh (tooth), 13. *'aaj (reed), 14. *hi'ix (a god?), 15. *tz'ikin (bird), 16. *'aj maq (a god?), 17. *no'oj (a god?), 18. *tinhahx (a god?), 19. *kahoq (storm), 20. *'aj puhb' (blowgunner).[89] In Western Mayan (the other class), they are: 1. *'iimox (a god?), 2. *'i'q' (wind), 3. *wotanh (a god?), 4. *k'ana' (a god?), 5. *'ab'aq (a god?), 6. *tyox (a god?), 7. *kehj (deer), 8. *lanhb'at (a god?), 9. *muluC[i] (water jar), 10. *'o'q (coyote), 11. *b'a'tz' (howler monkey), 12. *'ehub' (?), 13. *b'e'n (a god?), 14. *hi'ix (a god?), 15. *tz'ikin (bird), 16. *kab'in (wax), 17. *kab' (earth), 18. *tinhahx (a god?), 19. *kahoq (storm), 20. *'aajaaw (lord).[89] These linguistic findings suggest Mesoamerican day names were separately adopted by ancestral Maya peoples (in various rather than a single instance), such that no single class of twenty such is reconstructible in ancestral Mayan.[90]
1. In anthropology and linguistics, a primary form of Maya parallelism; ordered pairs of semantically related words which compound (and are regularly compounded) to convey a meaning more general than that conveyed by the words apart (like te' and tuun,[92] or qatat and qanan[94]); form of kenning; longstanding kennings include sky and earth for universe, wood and stone for architecture or construction, wind and rain for thunderstorm.[95]
2.In linguistics, a type of compound in several Mayan languages; typically nominal, and rarely verbal or adjectival.[96] For instance, qa-ti't qa-maam in K'ichee' for our grandparents (from noun stemsti't and maam meaning grandmother and grandfather, respectively).[97]
In anthropology and archaeology, the domestication of plants or animals in Maya agriculture; part of Mesoamerican plant domestication (partly). Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] early domestication (or adoption of existing cultivars or breeds) by proto-Maya (cacao, maize, tobacco[104]), Core Maya (dog, pot herb[106]), Southern Maya (domestic animal, honeybee[107]), and Western Maya (domestic turkey, pineapple[109]) people.[110] The proto-Mayan lexicon is thought to have featured farming terms (*'iiyaanh for seed for sowing,[112]*'aw for to sow), especially maize-related ones (*'alVj[i] for maizefield, *'ix or *'ixi for to shell maize).[113] The Core Mayan and Southern Mayan lexicons are thought to have further specialised these.[114] From other Mayanist fields, further early domesticates (or adopted cultivars) are thought to have included goosefoot.[110]
1. A first-order subdivision of the Core Mayan languages (accepted), or of the Southern Mayan languages (proposed); ancestral form thought to have split into ancestral forms of the K'iche'an and Mamean languages.[118]
In anthropology and archaeology, energy and its forms and use by Maya people. The earliest source is thought to have been fire, linguistically reconstructed as *q'ahq' in proto-Mayan.[120]
In anthropology and archaeology, fashion in Maya visual arts; involve textiles. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] early apparel included sewn cotton or agave articles (possibly dyed or embroidered), trousers or pants, beaded jewellery, and masks.[128]
In archaeology, furniture in Maya households. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest of these included mats, beds, and seats.[131]
future
In anthropology and archaeology, the future as understood by Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] endings in particular were recognised, with *laaj for to come to an end in Core Mayan,[34] in addition to the immediate future.[133]
2.The same, as understood by Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest recognised features included the earth, sky, coast, plains, bodies of water, and hills or mountains.[135] They further suggest early techniques may have included surveying by foot.[136]
In epigraphy and linguistics, arrangements of Maya glyphs which form morphemes; they typically form one or more free morphemes each; they typically have glyphs arranged left-to-right and top-to-bottom, often with a spatially dominant main glyph (so visual form is fairly standardised[138]); either logographic, syllabic, or mixed glyph blocks.[140] For instance, the sentence chum-la-ja ti-ajaw-wa-le k'uk'-ajaw (for K'uk' Ajaw sits in kingship or accedes to the throne in Classic Mayan) is composed of three glyph blocks (chum-la-ja, ti-ajaw-wa-le, and k'uk'-ajaw, mixed and logographic).[141] Similarly, the possessive phrase u tz'i b'a li (for its writing or its text in Classic Mayan) is composed of four glyph blocks (u, tz'i, b'a, and li, all syllabic).[142]
glyphic script
See Maya script. Also writing, writing system (for script).
In anthropology and archaeology, the health of Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the proto-Maya recognised generalised pain, inflammation, mange, and some disease vectors,[148] whilst their descendants expanded on this.[149]
In anthropology, kinship, families or households in Maya society. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest kin relations recognised may have been mostly maternal, filial, and extended spousal ones,[176] and later expanded to encompass more paternal, fraternal or sororal, and immediate spousal relations.[177]
knowledge
Kotoke complex
A first-order subdivision of the Q'anjob'alan languages (proposed).[170]
In anthropology, archaeology, epigraphy, and linguistics, the literary form of Maya arts; include written (literature) and unwritten (oral tradition) forms; include fiction, non-fiction; include drama, poetry, prose, scripture; result in literary works.
In anthropology, magic in Maya culture. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] early recognition of witchcraft, possibly involving copal incense and shape-shifting.[209]
main glyph
In epigraphy and linguistics, a type of Maya glyph.
In anthropology and archaeology, the materials or resources exploited by Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest such were biological (bark, straw, fibre, wood),[214] and inorganic (stone, flint, obsidian).[215]
3.Their first sedentary settlement(s), or any later sedentary settlement(s) by them. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] possible early sedentarism, with *'aamaaq for town or village in Core Mayan.[22]
In anthropology and archaeology, metrology in Maya sciences; involve units of measurement. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest units may have been the cord and span.[218] They further suggest the earliest processes may have been simply counting and measuring.[219]
measurement of time
In anthropology and archaeology, chronometry in Maya metrology; involve units of time. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] early timekeeping by ancestral Maya people, as the Southern Mayan lexicon may have featured a name (*'ajq'iinh) for day-keeper or calendar priest, in addition to basic temporal concepts (in Southern Mayan and related ancestral Mayan languages).[220] Generally, the earliest timekeeping tool available to them is thought to have been the 260-day almanac.[12]
In anthropology, meteorology in Maya sciences. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest weather patterns recognised may have been thunder, rain, wind, lightning, frost, and hail.[224]
middle Preclassic
1. A first-order subdivision of the Preclassic period.[25]
2.Combinations of these to represent further numbers; types of numerals; part of the Maya numeral system. Ordinal and cardinal numerals for natural numbers (not zero) have been linguistically reconstructed for ancestral Mayan languages since proto-Mayan.[230]
In anthropology and linguistics, a primary class of Maya literary devices; generally emphasise syntactic and semantic forms of parallelism, and not phonological ones (like rhyme, metre).[95]
In anthropology and archaeology, the past as understood by Maya people. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] it was simply split into the immediate and distant past early on: *'eewii or *'eewiir for yesterday, *juunha'b'eer for a year ago, and *'oonheer for before or a long time ago, all in Core Mayan.[235]
In linguistics, a class of morphemes characteristic of Mayan languages; a very large class of roots which must take a derivational affix to form words (either predicates or verbs); describe states of being (like position, form, constitution) of objects (and so are stative).[242] Positional roots follow a CVC[vi] sequence, and are variously affixed (with -Vl[i] in Cholan–Tseltalan, -VVl[i] in Huastec, -an in Q'anjob'alan, -Vkbal[i] in Yucatec, -Vl[i] or -Vn[i] in K'ichee', and so on).[243] Examples (in Huastec) include chiniil for extended and rigid, mo'ool for thrown down, and kexeel for widened.[243]
In epigraphy and linguistics, types of relative clauses characteristic of Classic Mayan, and common in the hieroglyphic corpus; formed by juxtaposition of two such clauses, rarely with morphological changes, and frequently marked with -iiy (a deictic marker for past tense); may be indistinguishable from nominal apposition.[254] For instance, relative clauses u-kab'-ji-ya and tzak-wi-ya (for overseen by and who conjured in Classic Mayan, respectively) in the incomplete sentence u-kab'-ji-ya u-chan-nu-ti-ti'-k'ahk'-ajan-na ha-i tzak-wi-ya 18-u-b'aah chan-nu for overseen by the captor of Ti' K'ahk' Ajan, who conjured Waxaklajuun Ub'aah Chana'n.[255]
In epigraphy and linguistics, a Maya phonetic complement whose vowel matches the last vowel of the glyph it complements.[98] For instance, in yo-ko (syllabic glyph block for one's leg in Classic Mayan), o in the phonetic complement ko matches o in the syllabogramyo.[99] Further synharmonic spellings include ch'o-ko, la-ka-ma, ku-tzu (for youth, banner, and turkey in Classic Mayan, respectively).[100] They increasingly displaced disharmonic spellings in typical use cases in the late Classic.[101]
syntactic couplet
In anthropology and linguistics, a primary form of Maya parallelism; adjacent pairs of lines (or couplet members) with identical syntactic structure but differing material within one (or more) constituents; form of syntactic parallelism; pairs traditionally formed via a single lexical substitution resulting in the differing constituents being semantically related (as in utz'apil te', utz'apil tuun,[266] where te' and tuun are a diphrastic kenning, or in qatz ku are lal kamel / lal sachel,[267] where kamel and sachel are near synonyms).[95]
T
taxonomy
In anthropology and linguistics, biological taxonomy in Maya science; part of Mesoamerican taxonomy. Proto-Mayan reconstructions suggest[iii] at least three taxonomic ranks were recognised by proto-Maya people: the top-level *nooq (animal) and *b'aq' (plant); the mid-level *tz'ikin (bird), *tyee' (tree), *'apak' (palm), and *'a'q' (vine); and at least 350 subspecies, species, or genera in the lower-level rank.[165] Linguistic reconstructions further suggest the middle rank was later modified or augmented by the Southern Maya (with classes for domestic animal, female bird, male bird, fish, grass[268]) and Core Maya (for herb, pot herb, grass[269]) people.[165] The bottom rank is similarly thought to have later grown.[165]
In anthropology and archaeology, material tools or implements of or used in Maya technology. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii] the earliest such included general ones (rope, axes, ladders),[275] plus various specialised ones (in cuisine, fashion, and like fields).
In anthropology and archaeology, trade in Maya economies; includes maritime trade. Linguistic reconstructions of proto-Mayan suggest[iii] at least some commerce was recognised early on (possibly or likely barter[278]): *jal for to exchange something, *k'aay for sale, and *k'aayi for to sell something.[277] The same further suggest later Core Maya and Southern Maya people developed concepts of theft, loan, payment, debt, purchase, market, and gift.[279]
In anthropology and linguistics, womanhood in Maya families; involve gender roles. Linguistic reconstructions suggest[iii]proto-Mayan*'ix for female was further taken to mean smaller or weaker, whilst equivalent terms for man or male were further used for person or bigger or stronger.[289]
X
xib'alb'a
See xib'alb'a. Also underworld, xib'alba, xibalb'a, xibalba.
123456789101112131415161718192021222324252627282930313233343536373839In [29]: "Reconstructed vocabulary shows PM speakers to have been highly successful agriculturalists, with the maize complex at the core of a full range of Mesoamerican cultigens. The reconstructed vocabulary of PM reveals a culture characterized by various Mesoamerican cultigens and domestic animals, the maize complex, various Mesoamerican and Mayan items of material culture, aspects of commerce, its own ritual and religion, and social organization". And in [30]: "Colors, sensations, types of eating, breakdowns of plant and animal taxonomies, kinship, social structure, and counting/numeration all have peculiar if not always unique Mayan configurations [in reconstructed lexicon]". But in [31]: "As for the data that I have presented here [reconstructions], more inferences could be squeezed out of the data than what I have tried to do. I would urge the interested scholar with: While considering all the available relevant data, do not overinterpret it. For one thing, the data are not complete, and the results of a reconstruction are never complete".
1234In this syllable pattern, C and V stand for consonant and vowel, respectively. For instance, CVC refers to a syllable composed of a consonant (first), followed by a vowel, followed by a consonant (last).
12When referring to aspects of the Maya civilisation: Mayan (adj) preferred for lingual aspects (pertaining to language); Maya (adj) preferred otherwise. When referring to people of the same: Maya people (n), Maya (n), Mayas (n) preferred (in no particular order).
↑Lehmann C (16 December 2018). "Ortografía". La lengua maya de Yucatán. ss. 2.1, 3.
↑Including: words or phrases, loanwords or calques, whether anglicised or not, from Mayan directly or indirectly (via Spanish). For Mayan spelling in the Latin script: at least three orthographic systems exist,[1][2] though those endorsed by the Academia de Lenguas Mayas (Guatemala) or Instituto de Lenguas Indígenas (Mexico) are preferred.[3] Their preferred representation of both glottal stops and glottal consonants is the apostrophe (curved or straight), but some linguists maintain the distinction with ⟨ʔ⟩, ⟨7⟩ or ⟨?⟩, or by distinguishing curved and straight apostrophes.[2]Hispanicised spelling and borrowings, in particular, may be disfavoured.[4]Reconstructed words are flagged with asterisks ⟨*⟩ only, though some linguists distinguish different types with pound signs ⟨#⟩ (as in [5]). Those using cover symbols are flagged with [i]. Transliterations or romanisations from the Maya script are unflagged (but usually identifiable via standard conventions), though those with undeciphered glyphs (represented with ⟨?⟩) are tagged with [ii]. Standard conventions for these are: logograms rendered in all-capital letters ⟨ABC⟩ or ⟨abc⟩, syllabograms rendered in all-lowercase letters ⟨abc⟩, glyphs separated by hyphens ⟨-⟩, and glyph blocks separated by spaces ⟨⟩.[6]
↑In this glossary, where a main term or variant form foo is derived from main term (root) bar, some (further) variant roots of foo are given only in the entry for bar. For instance: a variant root (Yukatek) of Yucatecan is listed only in Yucatec; some variant roots (Chol, Tzeltal, etc) of variant form Ch'olan–Tseltalan of Greater Tseltalan are listed only in Ch'ol or Tseltal. Furthermore, singular forms of main terms are preferably listed, and plural variants not shown, with exceptions (like diverging meanings, or preference in literature for the plural). Variant forms are listed alphabetically.
12In [21]: "The reconstructible terms that relate to social organization indicate settled village life ('town') and social stratification where not every person has the same rights ('lord', 'slave', 'tribute'), or amount of property ('rich man')".
↑In [12]: *'iik' for moon in pM, *'eeq' for star in SM, *ch'umiil for star in EM, *q'iinh for sun (but also day, time, or festival) in pM, and *'ajq'iinh for day-keeper or calendar priest in SM.
↑In [34]: *'atyooty or *'atyuuty for house in pM; *nhaah for house or dwelling in SM; *paat for shack or hut in SM; *q'ah, *q'a'aam, *q'a'j, or *q'a'ja for bridge in CM; *b'eeh for road in pM. Plus various parts of objects in CM, pM, SM,[35] including *u tyii' nhaah for door in SM, *u xikin for corner in pM, *xuk for corner or side in pM.[35] Plus *warib or *warub for bed or sleeping-quarters in CM.[36]
↑In [44]: *'unee' for baby in LL and GQ (borrowed from proto-Zoquean *ʔuneʔ), and *nee' in EM. Also: *yuum for father or lord in GLL, borrowed from proto-Zoquean *yumi for lord or boss.[45]
↑In [21]: *'aajaaw for lord or boss, *'ab'aat for servant, messenger, or errand boy, both in pM.
↑In [21]: *b'ehoom for rich person, *pataan for tribute or corvee labour, *muun for slave, all in CM. And in [21]: "The reconstructible terms that relate to social organization indicate settled village life ('town') and social stratification where not every person has the same rights ('lord', 'slave', 'tribute'), or amount of property ('rich man')".
↑In [56]. In [57]: "What language are the hieroglyphic inscriptions most closely related to? The phonetic decipherments of the late 1980s and 1990s revealed distinctive linguistic features that persuasively placed the language of Classic period texts in the Cholan subgroup of the Mayan family ... The weight of the Cholan evidence is undeniable ... the use of Cholan forms is apparent throughout the lowlands, even as far as sites in northern Yucatan".
↑In [59]: "virtually all of the extant hieroglyphic texts seem to represent a single 'prestige' language that, even at the time of its use, may have been highly formalized and even archaic in some of its features". And in [60]: "The lowland Cholan language of hieroglyphic inscription clearly enjoyed regional favor as the language of elite scribal practice, and the relative status that this Cholan language and its speakers would have exercised is undeniable".
↑In [34]: *'ar for to be somewhere or to exist in CM, *'ojtyaqi for to recognise something in CM, *watyik' or *watyib' for dream in pM. Plus: *'iin for I (pronoun), *'at for you, *'o'nh for us, *b'ih for name (personal), *war for to sleep, *kam for to die, *'il for to see something, all in pM;[63]*tye or *la or *le for that, *b'a for what?, *na' for to know something, *hal for to say something, *'utz for good, *'ak' or *'aak' for new, all in SM;[64]*juuniil for all or everyone, *yo or *wa for this, *'ab'i or *'ab'ir for to hear something, all in CM;[64] and *mak for who? in LL or WM.[65]
↑In [75]: *ki' for sweet in pM, *k'ah for bitter in pM, *'a'tz'aam for salt in pM, *paaj or *pa'j for sour in SM, plus *tyu'h for stinky or stinking in pM.
↑In [77]: *kee'e for to grind in pM; *b'ol for to broil in CM; *k'il for to roast or to toast, *q'ut for to mash with mortar and pestle (chilli or tomato), *puty' for to crush (chilli or tomato) in SM. Plus: *kaa' for quern or metate in pM, *uq'ab'kaa' for muller or mano in SM, *'aq'een for wooden support platform (for quern or metate) in CM, *hu'x for whetstone in SM, *mul or *tzuhh for water jug or water gourd in pM, *laq or *laaq for bowl in pM.[78]
↑In [80]. In [81]: *q'oor for maize dough, *k'aj for pinole, both in pM. Also: *ti' for to eat or to eat meat or to eat mushrooms,[81]*'uk' for to drink,[82]*wa' for to eat,[82]*ti' for to bite,[82] all in pM.
↑In [81]: *maatz', *'uul, *saqha' for atole in SM; *b'uuch for hominy in CM. Also: *k'ux for to each crunchy things in SM,[81]*lo' for to eat soft things (fruit, eggs) in CM,[81]*nohj for to get full in CM.[82]
↑In [17]. In [86]: "I postulate that the original set of twenty Meso-American day names had the following meanings: 1. cayman, 2. wind, 3. night, 4. iguana, 5. snake, 6. death, 7. deer, 8. rabbit, 9. water, 10. coyote, 11. monkey or howler monkey, 12. tooth, 13. reed, 14. jaguar, 15. eagle, 16. buzzard or turkey buzzard, 17. earthquake, 18. flint, 19. storm, 20. macaw. In non-Mayan language groups of Meso-America, almost all day names are ordinary lexical items that agree closely with these meanings. Upon its adoption by Mayans, there was considerable innovation in this system, far more than in any other linguistic or cultural group. Two partly overlapping day-name systems ... can be reconstructed for early stages of Mayan linguistic history". In [87]: "Significantly, in the Mayan adoption of the MA [Mesoamerican 260-day] calendar about half of the day names were replaced by specialized vocabulary with no known referent except the day itself. It can safely be said that most Meso-American day-name lists do not have such a high proportion of uninterpretable terms as any Mayan list taken at random. This must mean something, but what it does mean is not yet clear ... I suspect that most of these terms were names of gods associated with the corresponding day ... My current working hypothesis is that each day name refers to a particular episode in myths that were at least partially shared throughout MA [Mesoamerica] – and that the day names that are god names refer to gods that participated in the story/episode called up by the day name".
↑In [87]: "It is obvious that there is no, and never was a, single Mayan day-name system. The [260-day] calendar was adopted by Mayans, and probably invented by non-Mayans, after the Mayan languages had already diversified into Wa, Yu, WM, and EM branches; distinct though similar systems of day names were adopted in the various groups from outside sources that have not yet been identified, but in some cases plausibly from one Mayan group to another".
↑In pM: *kakaw (cacao); *tz'utuj (maize tassel), *nhal (maize ear), *'ajn (roasting maize ear), *b'aqal (maize corncob); and *mahy or *ma'y (tobacco).[102] First term borrowed from proto-Mixe-Zoquean *kakawa, possibly.[103] Also: *peeq for wild cacao in CM; *hi'h for young maize ear in CM; and *siik' for cigar in CM, *siik'i or *siik'a for to smoke in EM.[102]
↑In [113], including in CM: *'awb'al for planting stick or coa, *'aq'iin for to weed maize, *'ixi'ma for to shell dried maize; and in SM: *'ixi'm for maize kernels (on or off the cob). In [77]: "Maize planting, harvesting, and processing seem to have been in place in proto-Mayan times; whether everyone was a full-time farmer, or not, is not entailed by the reconstructible terms".
↑In [121]. In pM: *b'ix for dancing, *wajb' for musical instrument, *suub' for flute or whistle. In CM: *'aala's for toy, *b'ity for to sing, and *xaaq tyaj or *xaaqi tyaj for pine needles. Plus possibly tobacco smoking (*siik' for cigar in CM, *siik'i or *siik'a for to smoke in EM).[122]
↑In [124]: *weex for men's trousers or pants in pM, *b'uhq for clothing in SM, *k'ooj for mask in SM, and *'uuh for bead or necklace in pM. Plus: *xanhab for sandal in SM,[125]*q'uu' for blanket in SM,[36]*lem for mirror in CM,[126]*chiim for net bag or shoulder bag in SM,[127]*ty'u'uy for bag in CM,[127]*xu'uk for basket with handles in CM.[127]
↑In [127]: *ch'aaq for bed or rack in pM; *pohp for mat in SM; *teem or *q'ahnh for seat or bench in SM or CM, respectively; *'aab' for an unidentified furnishing which later came to mean hammock in CM. Plus: *lem for mirror in CM (type of Mesoamerican mirrors).[126]
↑In [134]: *kab' for earth in pM, *ka'nh for sky in pM, *malaaj for sea-coast in CM, *taq'aanh for field or plain in SM, *najb for lake or sea in SM, *witz for mountain or hill in SM. Plus: *witz for mountain in pM.[82]
↑In [125]: *q'ot for to make a circuit or to walk around the outside edge in pM. Plus: *xanh for to walk, and *b'eeh for path or road, both in pM.[82]
12In [137]: "Scribes exhibited considerable leeway in arranging these elements [glyphs in glyph blocks] and employing allographs, to the extent that spellings of the very same word or expression might look nothing like one another".
↑In [59]: "The writing system was in use for nearly two thousand years, beginning in what archaeologists call the Late Preclassic period (ca. 300 B.C.) and lasting until the time of European conquest and domination. In this period the hieroglyphic script was used throughout the region we traditionally know as the 'Lowland Maya area,' concentrated mostly in the lowlands of what is today Guatemala, Belize, southern Mexico (Yucatan, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Chiapas, and Tabasco) and parts of western Honduras. Thousands of ancient texts survive on stone monuments, various portable objects such as ceramics, and in three (possibly four) screen-fold books dating to the later stages of the script's history. These mostly record religious and historical information, although the styles and genres of such texts varied considerably over time and space. Remarkably, virtually all of the extant hieroglyphic texts seem to represent a single 'prestige' language that, even at the time of its use, may have been highly formalized and even archaic in some of its features".
↑In [147]: *ra'h or *raah for painful, *maal for swelling, *saal for mange, *siip for tick, *'uk' for head louse, *k'aq for flea, *'ook-VC k'aq[i] for chigger, all in pM.
↑In [147]: *yaaj for sick, sickness, wound, sore, or suffering, *meem for dumb, *poty' for bedbud, *utzaa' for nit, *saq 'uk for body louse, all in CM.
↑In [175]. In pM: *naa' for mother, *'aal for woman's child, *miim for grandmother, *'i'h for woman's grandchild, *maam for grandfather or man's grandchild, *'ikaan for maternal uncle, *'ikaaq for nephew, and five distinct terms for in-laws.
↑In [175]. Like: *chuchu' for step-mother in CM, *yuum for father or lord in GLL, *k'aajol for man's son in CM, *'anat for wife or older woman in SM, *'ixnhaahiil for wife in SM, *'iitaam for husband or old man in SM, *'ixna'm for man's sister-in-law in CM, and eight distinct terms for siblings in SM, EM, CM, GLL, LL. But in [45]: "While several studies have been devoted to the analysis of colonialYukateko kinship, no comprehensive study of Mayan kinship with an aim to reconstruct its earliest stages/ state as a system has come to my attention. Consequently, I have no predecessors to defer to or to argue against. In any case, I do not offer suggestions about the pMayan system; I simply present the reconstructible terms in a logical order".
↑In [182]. But in [183]: "Mayanists have utilized queer theory to create a third category of gender analysis known as 'the third gender' taken from ethnographic accounts of the 'two-spirit' phenomenon among native North American communities ... by ascribing these individuals to a third gender category, several assumptions pass by unnoticed. First, there is the belief that a third gender implies a permanent state of identity. The second assumption involves the present day myth that homosexuality is linked in some way to gender identity ... the Maya third gender category is really an instance of 'gender impersonation' not linked to either sex differences or sexual practices. Gender bending in the context of Maya ritual performances is a 'short-lived role playing and not sustained enactment' indicating that Maya conceptualizations of gender were not fixed, immutable, or always predicated upon perceived sex differences".
↑Williams WL (1988). The Spirit and the Flesh. Boston, Massachusetts: Beacon Press. ISBN0-8070-4611-6. LCCN86-47505.
↑In [189]: "Convinced therefore that it was not a sin, the custom started among parents of giving a boy to their young son, to have him for a woman and to use him as a woman; from that also began the law that if anyone approached the boy [sexually], they were ordered to pay for it, punishing them with the same penalties as those breaking the condition of marriage".[189]
↑In [193]: "The Spanish melted down untold quantities of Indian artwork in precious metals, but they took a special delight in destroying these 'jewels of the devil.' As a result of this systematic destruction, we cannot know the extent to which pre-Columbian art expressed homosexual themes. Unfortunately, this obliteration did not end with the colonial era".
↑In [185], for instance, given the accounts themselves,[186] and 1980s field work in Yucatec villages.[187][183] Fieldwork found "a berdache tradition among contemporary Maya people",[188] and described "androgynous males taking passive roles in their sexual relations with other men".[183] Accounts included: a story of "a [Maya] god who came down to earth and taught the males how to have sex with each other" (attested in Guatemala by Fray Juan de Torquemada in 1610s),[190] report of "many clay 'idols' in which 'the Indians seemed to be engaged in sodomy one with the other'" (in Yucatan by Bernal Diaz in 1510s),[191] report of "a large wooden statue of two males engaged in intercourse" in a temple (in Yucatan by Diego Velazquez via Fernandez de Oviedo),[192] reports of widespread destruction of Indian artwork (especially homoerotic art),[194] frequent reports of "the widespread practice of same-sex relations as a well-established custom" (in Mexico by Bernal Diaz and Hernan Cortes in 1510s).[195] And in [196]: "I resolved to investigate a culture about which there was abundant evidence of aboriginal homosexuality: the Mayas ... I next made a trip to Yucatán to see if I could collect any information on modern Maya berdaches. Since the early Spanish documents contained many references to sodomy among these people, I decided to test my assumptions that such traditions have not disappeared".
↑In [198]. Previously (1970s) located "in the Cuchumatanes Mountains of Guatemala, around Soloma, c. 2200–4200 BP, where speakers exploited both highland and lowland ecological zones";[29] revised to Uspantan in 2010s.[29] In [199]: "The proto-Mayan homeland must have been in a highland zone ... I suppose proto-Mayan was spoken in a highland zone bordering on the Lowlands ... but the area around Soloma is too high and cold to have been a desirable area ... The area around Uspantán is warmer and less broken. At the time when agriculture was becoming the mode of subsistence, and the population was not yet large, people would have chosen to live in an area with a milder climate and leveler topography. The area around Uspantán fits those requirements".
↑In [151]: "we have varying amounts of documentation about Mayan-speaking populations since 1519; some Mayans produced written records between 200 BCE and 1700 CE that reflect only a tiny part of their cultural knowledge. The vast extent of epigraphic, iconographic, ceramic, and architectural material that has survived the years and been found by present-day investigators makes the study of Mayan antiquities a rich and rewarding undertaking".
123In [204]. For vulture in HM, compare: usiij (a logographic glyph block), u-usiij-si-ja (mixed), and u-si-ja (syllabic).[204] For one's leg in HM, compare: yo-ook-ki (mixed), and yo-ko (syllabic).[99] For lord or sovereign in HM, compare: ajaw (logographic), ajaw-wa (mixed), and a-ja-wa (syllabic).[23]
↑In [36]: *laab' for enchantment or witchcraft in pM, *war or *wahr for animal spirit, animal companion, or shape-shifter in SM (probably from pM root *war for to sleep), and *poom for copal incense in SM (for Bursera bipinnata or Bursera tomentosa, from proto-Mixe–Zoquean *poːmʉʔ).
↑Like ficus bark for paper (*hu'nh in pM);[103] grass for straw or thatching (*k'im in CM, *'aaq in SM);[166] century plant for fibre (*kiih in pM);[166] wood for fire, ash, or quicklime (*tya'nh or *sii' in pM, *chuun in EM);[72] copal for incense (*poom in SM);[36] cotton for fibre (*tuhxnooq' in CM, *tyiinh in SM);[36] possibly bone for sewing needles (*b'aaq in CM).[36]
↑In [126]: *tyaah for obsidian in pM, *tyooq' for flint in SM, *toonh or *'a'b'aj for stone in SM or EM, respectively. And possibly: *pooq for sand or dirt, and *ch'ohch' for earth, dirt or soil, both in pM.[82]
↑In [72]. Plus: *rehtaal for mark, sign, or foot-print in SM, possibly.
↑In [72]: *'aj for to count something in pM, and *'ehta for to measure something in CM. Plus: various cardinal numerals in CM or SM, *jar-ub' for how much? or how many? in pM, and *jujuun or *junjuun for each one in CM.[132]
↑In [12]. In pM: *'iik' for moon, *q'iinh for sun, day, time, or festival. In CM: *'eewii or *'eewiir for yesterday, *'oonheer for before or long time ago. In SM: *ha'b' for year, *'eeq' for star, *'ajq'iinh for day-keeper or calendar priest, *tyaq'iinh for during daytime.
↑In [62]: *'ahnh for medicinal herb in SM; and *tz'ak for (folk) medicine, *'ajtz'aak for healer or curandero, and *kuun for healing power or healer's power, all in CM. And possibly: *'aala for to give birth to someone (human) in CM,[45]*seh for liver in SM,[82]*tz'uhuum for skin in CM,[65]*kik' for blood in pM,[65]*b'aaq for bone in pM,[65]*'a'q' for tongue in pM,[65] and various body parts in pM, SM, EM.[64]
↑In [223]: *kahoq for thunder in pM, *nhab' for rain in pM, *'i'q for wind in pM, *kaayupa' or *kaayumpa' for lightning or thunder in EM or GQ (borrowed from Zoquean *keyo-pa for to flash), *tahiiw for frost in CM (above 6,000 feet in the highlands), *b'aty for hail in SM. Plus: *nhihk for to quake (of earth) in CM,[125]*tyoq for cloud in pM,[82]*tiqaw for hot (weather) in pM,[82]*ke'h for cold (weather) in SM,[82]*'ahq'ab' for night in pM.[82]
↑In [229]. In pM: *juun for one, *ho'oob for five, *junwinaq for twenty, *ho'winaq for one hundred, and so on. Cardinals (and ordinals) have been reconstructed in CM or SM.
↑In [21]: *'aamaaq for town or village, *pataan for tribute or corvee, both in CM; *'aajaaw for lord in pM; *k'ul for enemy in GK or GQ; *naq for enemy in GLL. Plus: *kamisa for to kill or to slay in pM.[82] And in [21]: "The reconstructible terms that relate to social organization indicate settled village life ('town') and social stratification where not every person has the same rights ('lord', 'slave', 'tribute'), or amount of property ('rich man')".
↑In [271]. For fibres: *kiih for century plant fibre in pM, and *tuhxnooq (in CM) or *tyiinh (in SM) for cotton. For processes: *tz'isVb[i] for needle in pM, *kem for to weave in pM, *xihab' for comb in CM, possibly *tz'ihb' for to weave stripes into cloth in CM or SM, *nooq' for cotton yarn or cotton thread in SM, *peteht for spindle whorl in SM, *tz'is for to sew in SM, and *b'on for to paint or to dye in SM.
↑In [126]: *k'ajaanh or *k'ahaam for string, cord, or rope in pM, *hu'x for whetstone in SM, *'ikaj for axe in CM, *'ehb' for ladder (Mesoamerican notched log) in pM.
↑In [277]: "None of the reconstructible terms for exchange of goods entails the use of money".
↑In [277]. In CM: *'eleq' for theft, *k'aas for debt, *man for to buy, *siih for gift. In SM: *majaan for loan, *toj for to pay, *k'iwik for market, *mahtaan for gift. Plus: *ye' for to give or gift something in pM.[82] Plus: some Mayan languages would later distinguish houses capable of being possessed (*'atyooty or *'atyuuty, from pM) from those not so (*nhaah, from SM).[34]
↑In [125]: *b'eeh for road in pM, *behiin or *b'ihn for to go, to travel, or to walk in SM. Plus: *nuhx for to swim in CM, *xanh for to walk in pM, *'anhn (in EM) or *'ahnh (in WM) for to run.[125] And possibly: *tyaal for to come in pM, and *xikaan for to fly in EM.[82]
↑In [288]: *'winaq for person or man in pM; *'ix for female or (as a classifying prepound) relatively smaller or weaker thing or being in pM; *'ixoq for female or woman in CM; *'aj for (as a classifying prepound) relatively bigger or stronger thing or being in pM. Plus: *ixqeel for (as a clitic) wife or one's womanly part in EM, or *'ixnhaahiil for wife or female dwelling thing in some SM languages.[44]
in the glyphic script.
in the glyphic script. Linguistically reconstructed as *juun in proto-Mayan, plus *nah or *b'ah for first in Core Mayan or Southern Mayan, respectively.[12]
in the glyphic script. Linguistically reconstructed as *ho'oob' in proto-Mayan, plus *rhoo' for fifth in Southern Mayan.[13]